In the era of globalization and mass migrations, British society is facing profound challenges regarding identity, social cohesion, and security. Contemporary Islamophobia, as a phenomenon deeply rooted in historical, cultural, and political narratives, is taking on new forms often shaped by terrorism, immigration crises, and cultural tensions. The United Kingdom, which for centuries has built its identity as a liberal, cosmopolitan, and multicultural state, now finds itself in a paradoxical position—caught between its proclaimed values and a growing sense of xenophobia and cultural mistrust.
CENTRAL QUESTION OF BRITISH IDENTITY
Over the past few decades, Islam has become a significant challenge for the United Kingdom. On one hand, the number of Muslims in Britain has increased considerably, making Islam the second-largest religion in the country. On the other hand, terrorist attacks such as those in London in 2005, this year’s massacre in Southport, and broader campaigns of Islamic extremism have heightened fears and placed the British on the defensive. Brexit, as an expression of deep cultural and economic tensions, has further underscored the issues of immigration and multiculturalism. In this context, contemporary Islamophobia is not merely a reflection of religious distrust but also an expression of broader dissatisfaction with economic, political, and social conditions, which will be explored in greater detail in the following sections. Accordingly, we will attempt to examine the specifics of contemporary Islamophobia in Britain, and indirectly in Europe, relying on philosophical and historical perspectives. Only by doing so can we best understand the deeper causes and implications of this phenomenon. From its historical genesis to the modern challenges of multiculturalism, as well as the political and media influences, we will analyze how Islamophobia has become a central issue in contemporary British identity.
SUBJUGATION—BY BLOOD, IRON, BRUSH, AND PEN
Islamophobia in Europe emerged parallel to the rise of Islam itself: from the Muslim expansion of the Umayyads in the 7th and 8th centuries on the Iberian Peninsula, and the Aghlabids in Sicily in the 9th and 10th centuries, through the Crusades waged against the “Saracens” from the 11th to the 13th centuries, to the Ottoman threat to Europe from the 14th to the late 17th centuries. The “infidel,” as a threat to Christianity and the broader political order of Europe, became an established topos as early as the 16th century, rooted in anti-Turkish rhetoric and encompassing five key aspects:
- The political and military cunning of the Turks, revealed in their desire for conquest and brutal methods of warfare (the so-called Türckengruel).
- The portrayal of Turks as a mortal threat to the Christian faith, often illustrated by the unbearable living conditions of Balkan Christians.
- The danger of undermining the traditional values of Christian society.
- An eschatological vision of the struggle between Christians and Turks as the final phase of the battle between good and evil.
- The view of the infidel as divine punishment sent to atone for the religious sins of Christian society.
Thus, early modern Christian Europe sought to subjugate its adversary in every sense—by blood, iron, brush, and pen—exalting each victory as a magnificent triumph of the cross over the crescent.
FIRST ENCOUNTER OF THE ENGLISH WITH ISLAM
The condemnation of Islam by Europeans continued throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, first among Enlightenment thinkers and later among liberal circles, where it was often referred to as a religion “incompatible with reason and progress” and opposed to the “superior European civilization.” Why is this important? If we want to understand today’s phenomenon of contemporary Islamophobia in Europe and its new character—first on the British Isles, which for centuries remained the most isolated from Islam, as well as the illusory stance of the British political, economic, and media elite on this issue—it is necessary to grasp the fundamental historical movements and processes across the entire continent. Accordingly, the following analysis will attempt to present this through the philosophical method of Hegelian dialectics: thesis, antithesis, and synthesis. The British Isles, as a primarily foreign body to continental Europe and to us continental Europeans, are geographically, religiously, and culturally the most distant from Oriental civilization. Nevertheless, in recent decades, they have faced serious social and identity issues rooted precisely in their relationship with Islam.
The first contact of the English with Islam occurred in the Middle Ages, when Islamic culture was perceived by contemporary English society as “demonized,” “barbaric,” and “mystical,” as evidenced by English medieval literature and works such as The Song of Roland and The Canterbury Tales.
ISLAM AS AN OPPONENT OF LIBERALISM
During the Tudor and Stuart dynasties, the sense of Islamophobia in England adopted the previously mentioned concepts of the struggle against the infidel, who, along with Roman Catholicism, was perceived as a threat to Protestant Europe. During the expansion of the British Empire in the 18th and 19th centuries, Islamophobia merged with colonial and imperialist attitudes, leading Muslims to be frequently regarded as “irrational” and “inferior,” as noted by Edward Said in his work Orientalism. Let us recall that after World War I, Britain held a vast number of Muslims within its Commonwealth, spanning Africa, the Middle East, India, and as far as Malaysia. However, following World War II, with the decline of the British Empire and its complete collapse marked by the handover of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China in 1997, the situation on the British Isles underwent fundamental changes. In this brief “journey through European and British history of Islamophobia,” it is evident that religious and cultural patterns were once the foundation of mutual intolerance and misunderstanding. Thus, Islam was once perceived as heresy, and Muhammad’s faith was condemned through theological and cultural lenses. However, in the Enlightenment era, attitudes shifted—Islamophobia became rationalized, and Islam increasingly faced criticism as a cultural and political system. Islam came to be viewed as an opponent of reason, progress, and liberalism, while Orientalist stereotypes (despotism, backwardness) reemerged.
XENOPHOBIC SOCIETY—EVIDENCE IN HISTORY
In today’s Europe, intolerance towards immigrants from the Middle East, or more precisely from the “Islamic world,” does not merely evoke a sense of religious or cultural disparity but rather stirs feelings of “confused” Islamophobia and xenophobia. When discussing Britain, it is important to note that numerous historians consider the English to be a deeply xenophobic society, as evidenced by history: the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, mistrust towards the Irish (Enemy Within), suspicion of Huguenots, attacks on Catholics (French and Dutch) in 1666 after the Great Fire of London, the rise of overt racism in the 19th century, the slogan from the 1970s (“No dogs, no blacks, no Irish”), and the Brexit campaign in 2016. Some would argue that elements of “primitive” racism can even be found in the early modern period, though it must be emphasized that the Christian belief that the unbaptized live in sin did not evolve into racism. The concept of divine hierarchy—”higher and lower creatures”—once had a metaphysical form, which has now been replaced by a physical one: cosmic unity was supplanted by human unity.
Others claim that Islamophobia in Europe today does not exist at all and that it is a fabrication of the mass media, which associates it with so-called “far-right” circles. However, the reality is that Islamophobia in Europe exists within a silent majority but is simply not spoken about, whether due to prohibition or inability. This does not negate the fact that it passively exists—it is present, just not active. A person can have lung cancer without knowing it, yet the nature of the disease is such that it still resides in their body. The same applies to racism as a social construct.
CAUSE OF THE RISE OF THE RIGHT?
“Racism in the West is not an expression of prejudice but a comprehensive system of thought and ideology, just like conservatism, liberalism, and socialism,” notes George Mosse in his book The History of Racism in Europe. Racism, as such, emerged alongside the rise of “free sciences” (anthropology, physiognomy) and other historical developments (deism, imperialism, the “critical mind,” subjective standards of “human beauty” as fertile ground for creating clichés, shifts in moral and aesthetic order, crowd psychology, romanticism, modern nationalism, etc.). Interestingly, most of these historical developments originated from one of the centers of Western civilization—London. Although racism in Europe significantly declined after 1945, it has reemerged in the context of the migration crisis, the strengthening of Islamist extremism, terrorism, and crime. However, this resurgence is defensive rather than offensive in nature. The arrival of immigrants from the Middle East brings with it the risk of escalating Islamist-motivated extremism, which in turn fuels the rise of what neoliberal media label as the “far right.”
EUROPE AS A STRONGHOLD OF INTOLERANCE
As explained by Marija Đorić from the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade: “One form of extremism causes another form of extremism, and that is an unwritten rule in social relations.” This diagnosis is entirely accurate. Thus, if Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries was racially biased against Jews and the rest of the world against Black people, today Europe is increasingly becoming a stronghold of intolerance toward Muslims. It is also important to note that it is incorrect to call Islamophobia racism, as the former concept is based on religious and cultural prejudice, while the latter is rooted in biological and ethnic characteristics. However, Muslims from certain regions are often perceived as a “race,” which constitutes a form of racism. Muslims of African origin are frequently discriminated against based on both race and religion, in which cases racism and Islamophobia operate together. However, for the sake of clarity in the text and to avoid potential misinterpretations of the term “racism” by left-liberal circles, we will use the term “Islamophobia.”
FEAR OF ISLAM
The fear of a threat to the Christian European identity, culture, and value system, as well as concerns over security and social harmony, has led to the strengthening of national states and distinct national identities within European civilization. This process undermines the European Union as a supranational entity and raises the issue of Euroscepticism, which is increasingly present among its member states (formerly the UK, and now France, Italy, Greece, Hungary, and Poland). Moreover, this calls into question the very survival of Europe as such.
After World War II, many Islamic communities migrated to Europe as a source of cheap labor, which in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom led to an increase in prejudices against Muslims. Terrorist attacks, such as those on September 11, 2001, in London in 2005, and in Paris in 2015, definitively spurred a new and modern wave of Islamophobia. Just as the fear of Islam in Christian Europe was once sown by the Umayyads, the “Saracens,” and the Ottomans, it is now perpetuated by groups of Islamic fundamentalism, extremism, and terrorism. However, this new wave of “Islamophobia” is unprecedented in human history; it is a unique phenomenon in contemporary human developments, and we will briefly attempt to explain it in the following text.
IMMIGRATION AS A MEANS TO REVIVE THE ECONOMY
Over the past 80 years, the situation in Europe, particularly in the United Kingdom, has changed significantly. After 1945, politically and economically exhausted from a six-year war, Britain faced a labor shortage and encouraged immigration from the Commonwealth (India, Pakistan, Jamaica, etc.) to rebuild its devastated economy and trade. In Britain, the center of an esoteric, profane-material civilization and modern culture, economic relations are primary; they are, to use the term of ancient philosophers, arche (the primary element, the driving principle) of this space. In this context, it is important to understand that all these decisions at the time were pragmatic, and few (such as Enoch Powell) foresaw the problems of so-called multiculturalism, globalization, or modern religious tolerance. This tolerance, as an idea, originated in the West but has always taken as its first definition the principle of weakening religion and has historically applied only to Christian denominations. By the 1950s, foreign bus drivers could be seen on the streets of London, while others worked in foundries and textile factories. A large number of Muslims from India and Pakistan began working as doctors. The United Kingdom’s entry into the European Economic Community (later the EU) in 1973 brought with it the free movement of labor, further accelerating demographic changes in the country.
MUSLIMS IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT
Let’s briefly look at the statistics. According to the UK Office for National Statistics, which tracks the number of Muslims in England and Wales, there were only about 50,000 Muslims in these regions in 1961. By 1971, this number had risen to 226,000, reaching nearly one million (950,000) by 1991. According to the latest census in 2021, the Muslim population reached 3,868,133. Data from the World Population Review, if reliable, indicates that in 2024 Muslims constitute 5.68% of the UK population. At first glance, this percentage seems relatively small. However, considering that Muslims form the second-largest population in London, that Islam is the second-largest and still growing religion in Britain, and that Scotland’s population totals around 5,490,000 and Wales around 3,130,000, these statistics gain greater significance. Additionally, the popularity of Islamic names is rising. Since 2007, over 1,500 mosques have been built, and Muslims have achieved significant success on the British political scene, with their representation in Parliament steadily increasing. In 2024, a record number of Muslims won seats in British parliamentary elections.
It is important to understand that since the Glorious Revolution of 1688, England has been a plutocratic state. This was best explained by the Serbian “theorist of counterrevolution,” Momir Nikolić, in his essay on democracy, where he described England as an “aristocratic republic.” Today, the British political, economic, and media elite, blinded by ideas of Europeanism, globalization, multiculturalism, and liberal internationalist values, seeks to protect and satisfy its economic interests through cheap labor, thereby creating a chasm of opposition between itself and its people. Large corporations and lobbying groups, which rely on numerous NGOs and media outlets, directly benefit from access to flexible and cheap labor.
DEEPLY IRRELIGIOUS ELITE
This issue, however, is not merely material but also cultural. The cultural distance between the urban elite and the more conservative, rural, and working-class communities represents a serious barrier to mutual understanding. It is worth noting that the United Kingdom is one of the most secular countries in Europe, and its political elite is deeply irreligious. Most members of Parliament (particularly within the Labour Party) identify as agnostics, atheists, or believers who do not regularly practice their religion. Here lies the argument: an irreligious person finds it much harder to understand a religious person than vice versa.
On the other hand, fear of backlash or stigmatization compels the UK political elite to ignore the demands of ordinary people and citizens, often resulting in a lack of responsible and realistic government responses. The same situation exists in other European countries such as France, the Netherlands, Germany, and Italy (excluding Poland and Hungary, the “bastion” of the West against Russia, which Washington permits to pursue protective and “conservative” policies). It is also crucial to consider that immigrants and their descendants represent a growing voter base, particularly in urban areas where the Labour Party traditionally secures most of its votes.
METROPOLIS OF AN EMPIRE THAT NO LONGER EXISTS
When discussing the inability of the British political elite to resolve this pressing issue, we cannot ignore the international reputation of Britain. The United Kingdom has always portrayed itself as a leader in humanitarian efforts, liberalism, and religious tolerance, which means that strictly limiting immigration or taking more radical measures against immigrants could harm its global standing. Thus, Britain has become a hostage to its own ideology and policies. As we can see, the economic strategy of numerous UK governments prioritizes GDP growth over social harmony. There is no need to elaborate on how immigration stimulates consumer markets and increases tax revenues. In this context, the motto is clear: the economy and billionaire cronyism over public and social welfare. It is also worth mentioning that the open migration policy from the Commonwealth, which has been ongoing for the past 80 years, partially serves as a way to maintain the semblance of influence over former British colonies, ensuring that London continues to be perceived as the metropolis of an empire that no longer exists.
REVERSED CIRCLE OF COLONIZATION
Some critics argue that immigration is being used as a tool to dilute traditional identities, fostering the creation of a more flexible, globalized society. The influx of foreign populations into the British Isles also places significant economic strain on the native population, as increased competition for low-skilled jobs reduces wages and employment opportunities, while public services (schools, social welfare, healthcare) face immense pressure. However, what is of the utmost importance is that these rapid demographic changes contribute to a sense of cultural and identity anxiety, which, especially after Brexit, has become a key issue in English society.
In his seminal work Material Civilization, Fernand Braudel examines the great potential of the American colonies and the phenomenon in which colonies initially served Europe but later began to work against their creators, namely Europe. If Europe, after 1945, experienced political, economic, military, and cultural colonization by the United States, then, simultaneously, it has experienced physical, demographic, and religious colonization from its former colonies in less developed parts of the world. In this context, we are witnessing a reversed circle of colonization—those once subjugated are now the ones subjugating.
OMNIPRESENT IN THE SOIL
We have presented the thesis and antithesis, and now we arrive at the synthesis. At the beginning, we highlighted the emergence of Islamophobia in Europe and Britain throughout history but also emphasized that today’s Islamophobia has a different character—it is alive in the soil and “tangible.” The Crusaders spent months traveling to the Holy Land to make contact with the Islamic world, and a similar pattern was seen during the Ottoman rule. Enlightenment and liberal authors criticized Islam and the Orient, but they never experienced Islam in Paris or London. Today’s contact with Islam, however, is different. Islam is no longer thousands of kilometers away, and Islamophobia is no longer based on mere stereotypes. Islam is omnipresent, and omnipresent in the soil. It is present in Paris and Algiers, in London and Cairo, in Vienna and Istanbul.
Modern Islamophobia is not primarily religiously motivated but is often tied to security issues and cultural identity. The fear of terrorism and migration dominates the discourse, with Islam frequently criticized as incompatible with Western values. A much more complex and globalized perspective has developed: Islam is no longer an “external” threat, as it was in the Middle Ages or early modern era, nor is it an “internal” threat as perceived by Enlightenment thinkers and liberals. What is modern Islamophobia? It is a blend of previous fears but under new conditions of globalization. Islam is now both an “internal” and “external” challenge, creating a more complex and multilayered relationship.
CONFUSION OF EUROPEAN SOCIETY
The current phenomenon of Islamophobia in Britain, as well as in the rest of Europe, has the potential to become radical but has not reached that point. Political, economic, and media pressures from the British political elite, combined with the ideological, religious, and identity crisis among Britons, do not allow enough space for the creation of a more radical Islamophobia. For this reason, and due to the explained new character of modern Islamophobia, its manifestations in the West over the past few decades represent merely one form of complete confusion in European society, a characteristic of any occupied people or community. In fact, this society increasingly finds its “anchor” in Heidegger’s concept of Dasein (existence, being as such), without directly understanding it—relying on a philosophical and ideological concept without clearly referencing it. At the same time, this confusion, the break with traditional ties, the ideological and identity void, and the reliance on certain ideas without directly invoking them clearly indicate that Europe needs a new form, new content, a new historical product, if not for a permanent solution, then at least as a temporary resolution to its social, cultural, and spiritual crisis.
