If in the past one could only speculate about the key actors responsible for attempts to destabilize the state, over the past year it has become clear that we are dealing with a rogue segment of the judicial system. However, a more detailed investigation of their activities clearly indicates that the spectrum of anti-state actions is not limited to blockades and protection of perpetrators, but also includes deep ties with criminal clans connected to the Albanian mafia, as well as with Albanian prosecutors from the territories of occupied Serbian lands.
MEETING IN TIRANA
In the Albanian capital, Tirana, on September 15, 2025, an official meeting took place between Mladen Nenadić, head of the Special Prosecutor’s Office for Organized Crime (SPOK) in Serbia, and Altin Dumani, head of the Albanian Prosecutor’s Office for Organized Crime. While Albanian media, as well as SPAK, reported on this event, pro-Western media in Serbia—often functioning as Nenadić’s PR service—and Nenadić himself completely ignored the meeting.
Had Nenadić not, a few months later, in early February 2026, spoken at a forum held at the Faculty of Law and inadvertently revealed cooperation with Albanian prosecutors, the role of this former anonymous policeman from Čačak in undermining the state might never have been fully illuminated.
Mladen Nenadić became head of SPOK in 2016. Before that, he worked as a police officer and then spent several years as deputy prosecutor at the Basic Court in Čačak. Most of his career was tied to private law practice. Transitioning from private legal work to this position without any experience or qualifications would have been almost unimaginable unless a personal friend, at the time BIA director Aleksandar Đorđević, supported you.
THE BERMUDA TRIANGLE OF UNSOLVED CASES
Even before 2016, this prosecutor’s office had shown catastrophic results, but after Nenadić’s arrival, the situation worsened. Over time, SPOK became a “Bermuda Triangle” for unresolved cases. To make matters worse, even the few scandals that reached a judicial conclusion were overturned on appeal, forcing the state to pay hundreds of millions of euros in damages.
In the past year, the office became particularly critical. Supreme Public Prosecutor Zagorka Dolovac used SPOK for special purposes: if she wanted a case to stall or fail, she abused her power of substitution, taking cases from the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade and sending them to SPOK.
The first case that attracted broad public attention was the “Nadstrešnice” case. When the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade launched the investigation, it took less than seven days before Dolovac, abusing her authority, seized the case and transferred it to SPOK. This effectively ended the investigation, generated numerous media headlines, and glorified Nenadić as a prosecutor opposing the regime and arresting two former ministers. Those two former ministers were released several months later, legally, because the investigation had not progressed, while any figures of $115 million were merely fabrications of pro-Western media, cooked, of course, in SPOK’s offices.
INSTEAD OF SERBIA, THE MONEY GOES TO ALBANIA
Meanwhile, the same prosecutors, blockers, and pro-Western media orchestrated a campaign against the sale of the former General Staff building, portraying it as if the building had been destroyed during the NATO aggression and designed by a communist architect, the greatest asset Serbia possesses. However, the campaign was not aimed at the sale itself, but specifically against selling it to Donald Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. United media even announced an international investigation into Kushner’s allegedly illegal deals, involving the FBI. Considering that the rogue part of SPOK and these media have coordinated operations for years and that their targets and campaigns are clearly funded from the same sources, these announcements were evidently a prelude to future events.
On December 15, 2025, the Special Prosecutor’s Office for Organized Crime filed an indictment against Minister of Culture Nikola Selaković over the General Staff case, finally halting the planned American investments. On the same day, Jared Kushner announced he was abandoning the construction of Trump Tower in Belgrade.
Instead of Serbia, that capital went to Tirana—the same Tirana where, just months earlier and far from public view, prosecutor Mladen Nenadić had been present. He filed a baseless indictment that would soon be dismissed, whose sole real purpose was to redirect €750 million, instead of to Serbia, directly to Albania.
However, the ultimate goal of this action by the rogue prosecutors, media, NGOs, and pro-Western opposition was not merely to redirect the funds to Albania, but primarily to damage relations between Serbia and the United States and to provide Brussels with a broader maneuvering space for pressures and blackmail.
PROSECUTOR ON THE RADAR
At the meeting in Tirana, alongside Nenadić, there were two other Serbian prosecutors. Gordana Janićijević, a woman who for years has received a salary of between €10,000 and €15,000 per month from the Serbian state as our envoy to Eurojust. To make the absurdity even greater, after more than a decade, the only thing Janićijević managed to achieve was to strengthen the ties of the rogue system under Zagorka Dolovac’s control and to secure additional means of pressure on Serbia.
Apart from her, and alongside Nenadić, the most interesting figure at this meeting was prosecutor Irena Bjeloš. Bjeloš had been assigned to SPOK for some time, and that period was soon to expire. This information is especially important in the context of this investigation and the way it was presented to the public.
The Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade, following a secret seizure of two tons of marijuana, launched an investigation aimed at dismantling one of the largest drug trafficking networks in the region. The investigation lasted for months, but timing was crucial.
Since the investigation was kept strictly confidential, only a small circle of people knew about it. However, after traveling to Albania, SPOK prosecutors began making inquiries about a seizure of two tons of marijuana that had gone under the public radar.
The investigation’s information did not leak from the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office, but the Albanian mafia, entangled in all state sectors and connected primarily to the Albanian prosecutor’s office and the entire state leadership, understood that the two tons of marijuana could not simply disappear after arriving on Serbian territory.
WHO ARE THE PROSECUTORS THAT NENADIĆ AND HIS COLLEAGUES MET SECRETLY?
An Albanian source states that the now former head of Albania’s Organized Crime Prosecutor’s Office, Altin Dumani, is deeply connected with the drug mafia. One of Dumani’s fiercest critics is Sali Berisha, who directly accused Dumani of being part of a drug clan and claimed that the “SPAK man” mentioned in Sky messages was none other than Dumani. Berisha repeatedly stated that Dumani is “blackmailed” by his past or family ties, which is why he cannot act against the “heads” of the drug mafia in Elbasan and Shkodra.
Moreover, Dumani is extremely close to the so-called Kosovo prosecutor Blerim Isufaj, whose career is full of scandals and links to the drug mafia.
However, his most important connection in this case is with Mladen Nenadić and Macedonian special prosecutor Islam Abazi. Abazi is considered one of the most notorious figures in Macedonia, according to Macedonian media reports.
It is therefore crucial to know who the prosecutors are that international partners promote as the “regional front against crime,” while the reality on the ground tells a completely different story.
Abazi’s appointment, marked by the shadow of his native village Zajas—the political epicenter of DUI—represents institutional protection for clans operating for decades along the Elbasan–Skopje route. In these circumstances, Dumani’s role is often described as that of a “filter,” who, despite field data and Sky messages, prosecutes only those organized crime figures who have lost political utility, while real centers of power remain untouched.
The medical cannabis project in North Macedonia became a key point linking Albanian criminal capital with Macedonian licenses, creating a legal vacuum ideal for the drug mafia. Data obtained by our portal indicate that a significant portion of the “legal” plantations serves as a logistical base for the illegal export of high-quality marijuana to the EU, with Albanian clans providing expertise and distribution channels.
The Macedonian prosecutor’s office, led by Abazi, has repeatedly been accused, with concrete evidence, of allowing companies connected to ruling families to transform the “green business” into an Albanian money-laundering industry. The Albanian factor here is not only ethnic but strategic; through cross-border connections, legal Kosovo and Albanian businessmen invest in Macedonian plantations, creating a hybrid structure that is almost impossible to prosecute due to political protection.
OPERATION “SUBSTITUTION”: HOW THE JUDICIAL COUP SAVED THE CARTEL
In this well-orchestrated “green business” system, an unexpected problem arose in Belgrade. A secret investigation by the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office, led by Nenad Stefanović—a prosecutor publicly considered unblemished but loyal to the ruling regime—resulted last summer in the seizure of two tons of marijuana and seriously shook the foundations of the regional drug network. Unlike controlled seizures, this action was aimed at reaching the very centers of power in Elbasan, the hometown of prosecutor Dumani and friend of Mladen Nenadić, and in Strumica. However, as soon as information about the two tons “disappearing” reached the ears of the Albanian mafia and their partners in the judiciary, a regional damage-control mechanism was activated. This is also the second reason why Mladen Nenadić tried to conceal the meeting with Albanian colleagues, and why the Albanian prosecutor judged that the meeting should be made public in Albania.
Our source from Albania, currently a protected witness in another case related to marijuana smuggling from Macedonia, confirms the findings of our source from SPOK in Belgrade.
The key turning point occurred after the aforementioned secret meeting in Tirana. Mladen Nenadić, with the support of Gordana Janićijević—who acted as Zagorka Dolovac’s envoy at the meeting—and Irena Bjeloš, upon returning to Serbia, launched an action to seize cases from the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office. Here, Irena Bjeloš, whose assignment to SPOK was about to expire, became a perfect operational lever for the rapid execution of the “substitution.” Her return, after the assignment ended, was portrayed by pro-Western media—which also have an interest in Macedonian “green gold”—as a “punishment by the regime for carrying out arrests,” completely removing any suspicion of her serious role in organized drug groups.
“PERSECUTION OF THE LAW-ABIDING”
This spin is a perfect example of how coordinated media, rogue prosecutorial structures, the mafia, and “useful idiots” hide serious roles in organized crime, creating a false narrative of the persecution of law-abiding prosecutors, while the essence of their actions—protecting the drug network—is swept under the rug. Meanwhile, the truth, which is easily accessible to anyone who seeks it, is simultaneously presented as a lie.
A telling detail supporting this corrupt narrative is that the seizure in Serbia was carried out on the property of some city council member belonging to the ruling party. Had the substitution—notably the seizure of cases from the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office—never occurred, it would not have been possible, primarily because the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office is considered the only loyal part of the prosecutorial system. Even prior to the initial August seizure of two tons of marijuana, and later the seizure of five tons and arrests, it was thanks to the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade that these actions occurred.
This is only part of the operation. The ultimate goal of “Nenadić-Dumani-Abazi” was to seize the case from the prosecutors in the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade, who had started the investigation in secret, so that Nenadić’s team could deliberately halt operational work targeting high-level figures not only in Macedonia but also in Albania and other European countries. Although the seizure of five tons of marijuana in Konjuh and, a few days later, 40 tons in Macedonia seem like huge quantities, our source indicates that this “is nothing compared to the amounts of marijuana, cocaine, heroin, and other substances passing through this region,” and it was a small price the system was willing to pay to stop further penetration into the hybrid structure of one of the most serious drug cartels and the “medical cannabis” industry.
WHO PAYS FOR PROSECUTORIAL “DIPLOMACY”?
While unscrupulous lies still hover over Konjuh and Strumica, the question remains: what has Serbia actually gained from this series of judicial maneuvers by rogue prosecutors? Instead of a broken cartel and an investment that could have revived a communist-era building—despised even by Tito—bringing numerous jobs and putting Belgrade on the global map, we got a system where indictments are filed to drive away legitimate capital, and cases are seized to protect the illegal one.
Gordana Janićijević will continue to collect her enormous salary at Eurojust and provide logistical support to Brussels in pressuring Belgrade. Irena Bjeloš will remain a “victim” of the corrupt state system, and Mladen Nenadić will continue to protect, now not only the Čačak mafia but serious international criminal groups.
Ultimately, this is not just a question of corruption, but a question of sovereignty. We are now in a situation where the rogue prosecutorial system is not only acting against state interests but has become a service for damage control for drug groups from neighboring countries. If the seizure of 45 tons was only a “small price” for the cartel, what, then, is the price Serbia pays for such a prosecutorial system? It is no longer measured in tons, but in the complete collapse of the legal order. And unless something crucial changes soon, the question is whether we will even continue to have a state.
