Nothing more effectively debunked the illusion that a stable criminal justice process can be built on flawed legal foundations than the main hearing held on October 9, as part of the so-called “Trial of Milorad Dodik and Miloš Lukić.” Sena Uzunović, a judge of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina with a notable wartime biography, so thoroughly discredited the notion of an independent judiciary through her management of procedural actions and numerous procedural rulings that even her outburst of anger, following a relatively minor intervention by Milorad Dodik’s defense attorney, was met with mockery in the courtroom.
UNDER CONTROL OF PARASTRUCTURES
A full bag of justified reasons for the defense to request her disqualification. However, just two days later, a decision was made to reject this request—swiftly and without valid explanation. To understand this legal circus, where only Bosniak Muslims (Nedim Ćosić, Jasmina Ćosić Dedović, Mirsad Strika, Sena Uzunović) are involved in deciding and handling the case against Dodik, and the acting president of the court is also a Muslim woman, Minka Kreho, we must decode the CMS. For those unfamiliar, CMS (Content Management System) is a computer application that tracks the activities of prosecutors and judges and assigns cases based on workload and responsibilities. The CMS system is a dynamic resource management tool that organizes and modifies data content through a user interface. On the surface, the system seems impervious to irregularities, but what happens when Muslim intelligence structures take control of it?
OPERATION “CODEX”
The hearing in Dodik’s case provided the answer. The application has become a Bosniak judicial tool that selectively assigns prosecutors and judges to key cases to exert full control over court proceedings. Many important cases have been unlawfully directed and assigned to prosecutors and judges who align their rulings with American and local religious interests. This is also the reason for the expanded criminal investigation against the suspended and later arrested President of the Court of BiH, Ranko Debevec. When agents from the State Investigation and Protection Agency (SIPA) searched the CMS system in relation to cases from the Court of BiH, they confirmed that numerous irregularities existed within the judiciary. As part of Operation “Codex,” SIPA searched the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of BiH’s premises and examined the CMS server of the Court of BiH, suspecting case assignment abuse. The investigation revealed how Debevec manipulated cases through the CMS system and selected court panel members.
UNLOCKING THE DATA
The expanded investigation temporarily “postponed” the indictment against Debevec, saving the accomplices and perpetrators of the abuses within the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH and the Court of BiH. Interestingly, the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH acknowledged that court cases and panels had indeed been rigged, revealing how and under whose orders the reassignments occurred. This admission was forced after SIPA managed to “unlock” all data from the CMS server and confirm that many reassignments had been made without the Court Commission’s orders, which is particularly concerning. This presents a new, complicating circumstance for Debevec. The CMS “unlocking” is a troubling signal for all judges involved. The role of individuals from the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of BiH is also being scrutinized, revealing how Debevec, the head of the most important judicial institution in the state, handpicked court panel members and judges. As expected, the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of BiH, where SIPA conducted the search, issued a statement downplaying the investigation by saying it only pertains to the Court of BiH, not the entire system. This reassures the citizens of BiH that there are no CMS-related issues within the Prosecutor’s Office of BiH.
Unfortunately, the fabricated judicial-religious process against the president of Republika Srpska, Dodik, reveals that this is a blatant lie, given the “coincidental” appointment of Bosniak Muslim Nedim Ćosić as the prosecutor in the case, just after former Chief Prosecutor Gordana Tadić was blacklisted by the U.S. due to alleged abuses of the CMS system.
GANGS PROTECTED, DODIK PROSECUTED
Political Sarajevo takes on the responsibility for regional peace and inter-ethnic relations: it imposes representatives on Croats and prosecutes Serbs. Milorad Dodik has long been a target of both the Americans and political Sarajevo, which is dominated by followers of Alija Izetbegović and the Muslim Brotherhood. They protect terrorist gangs but prosecute Dodik—a peculiar logic.
This trial prompts further reflection on why Western nations have recognized radical Islam as a partner in the Balkans and whether the fact that they control all state institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina should be understood in that context. Is the tacit acceptance of Islamist infiltration into defense, intelligence-security, and judicial structures merely a trade-off for opening the doors to the European Union?
Moreover, doesn’t it confuse the European democratic public that the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina was imposed by Christian Schmidt, a German, with the aim of eliminating the legally elected president of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik? How is it that the guardians of Western values don’t question why this discriminatory “imposed law” is enforced by Muslims, specifically a woman officer, Sena Uzunović, a former assistant commander in the Muslim army?
WAR COMRADES, JUDGE AND DAIJAH
The trial in Sarajevo more closely resembles an execution squad than a legal proceeding. After Dodik’s “execution,” the next step is to abolish Republika Srpska, followed by the end of the fragile peace in BiH. In a time of general warfare, why wouldn’t Sarajevo have its local conflict? How else to explain this serious and highly risky witch hunt by the unconstitutional, criminal Court of BiH against the president of Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik? Although this action was initiated externally, the military-intelligence structures within BiH’s state institutions have contributed, embittered by the fact that Dodik never allowed the West to treat the Serbs as a submissive and blackmailed people, as it treated the Bosniaks, nor to usurp and nullify the statehood rights of Republika Srpska—won in war, confirmed in peace.
Thanks to the stance of Western governments (Americans and British) towards Islamic radicalism, the public stage has been occupied by former commanders and aides, like Sena Uzunović, along with fake Europeans, Wahhabis, and some “new” primitive imams. Together, they are the radical and neo-Nazi offshoot of a religious community that, not so long ago, celebrated Pavelić and Hitler, dressing young men in Nazi uniforms of the 13th SS “Handzar” Mountain Division and later the El Mujahideen Unit. If anyone dares to call for the denazification of Bosnia, it is no surprise that it is branded as Islamophobia.

Is it Islamophobic to point out that influential “daijah” of the Muslim Brotherhood, Nezim Halilović, who preaches in the King Fahd Wahhabi Mosque in the heart of Muslim Sarajevo, is comrades-in-arms with Sena Uzunović? As a commander of the Special Unit and the 4th Muslim Brigade from Konjic, Halilović, together with Uzunović, stormed Serbian and Croatian positions in Konjic as brothers-in-arms. Through their “brotherly actions,” this duo, organizers of torture in camps like the Konjic Sports Hall, Čelebići, and Tarčin, succeeded in halving the population of Konjic.
SENA’S FRONT
Meanwhile, Western representatives in BiH, both diplomatic and intelligence officers, observe that resistance to their geopolitical infantry is growing, and in the minds of Serbs, Croats, and some Bosniaks, the realization has emerged that there is no rational reason to push the country into war. According to available documents, this war has its front within the Court of BiH, where Judge Sena Uzunović, a former member of Izetbegović’s Army of RBiH, raises the war flag. Her military past is recorded in the minutes of Husnija Tulić’s testimony in 1993, classified as “Military Secret” and “Top Secret,” under record number 05-11.6/93, dated June 3, 1993. Among the attendees were Husnija Tulić, Mađak Šorik from the security body, and Sena Uzunović, assistant commander for legal affairs. Later, Aliya’s officer, Sena Uzunović, underwent all Western briefings and seminars, holding various state positions between 1998 and 2001. Initially, she served as the Deputy Minister of Finance for legal and general affairs in the Federal Ministry of Finance, during the premiership of Edhem Bičakčić (vice president of SDA), before advancing to the position of legal affairs advisor in the Vice President’s Office.

A TORCH IN THE PRISON OF NATIONS
From 2001 to 2003, Sena Uzunović worked as a judge in the Municipal Court in Sarajevo, and from 2003 to 2007, she served as a prosecutor in the Sarajevo Cantonal Prosecutor’s Office—Department for Economic Crime and Corruption. In January 2007, she was appointed a prosecutor at the BiH Prosecutor’s Office, and in early 2009, she was named deputy head of the Special Department for Organized Crime, Economic Crime, and Corruption. On August 7, 2022, she was appointed as a judge of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without shame, she took over the trial of Republika Srpska President Milorad Dodik from Judge Mirsad Strika.
Dodik’s life, as well as his human and political fate, has become a crucial battlefield between good and evil, a battle of an individual from the global periphery against the forces of imperial evil, civilizational hatred, and division. It is no surprise that the trial against him has become a hot topic in the remaining free media outlets in Europe. When viewed from the prison of nations, the rarer the gold, the brighter it shines. If one man dares to say “no” to the conquerors of Europe, why can’t entire nations repeat the same tomorrow?