Separatism has its faithful refuges – the outskirts of Serbia, regions with multiethnic populations, where demographic differences, cultural and ethnic tensions have proven to be fertile ground for undermining state stability. An example is Kosovo and Metohija – the historical and cultural heart of the Serbian state. Due to its geographical position and the approach of communist authorities toward this territory, the Serbian people suffered decades of terror from the Albanian population. During the breakup of Yugoslavia, when it became evident what the target of the Western agenda was, that same Collective West, alongside the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Croats in Croatia, turned the Albanians into a terrorist weapon for the purpose of breaking Serbia.
FROM KOSOVO THROUGH MONTENEGRO TO RAŠKA
After years of providing military, logistical, operational, and financial support to the terrorist units of the KLA – even though they were once listed as a terrorist organization themselves – the United States, led by NATO, organized a war against Serbia, expelling over 200,000 Serbs from the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. The number of missing and killed numbered in the thousands, and after the bombing and the signing of Resolution 1244, Kosovo and Metohija remained a perpetual point of Western blackmail and a tool for controlling Serbia’s internal and foreign policies.
Shortly after the 1999 war, another separatist outburst occurred – Montenegro sought independence, and a “new people,” engulfed in autochauvinism, began to deeply despise their own origins, recognizing only the concept of Montenegrins, the Montenegrin language, and Montenegrin script.
The Muslims in the Raška region, which they have for decades referred to as Sandžak, demonstrated ambitions to separate from Serbia and establish their own state. With direct support from Turkey, NATO, and authorities in Sarajevo, who are under direct control of the United States, these dangerous ideas are gaining strength.
However, what we will address in this text, and what is closely tied to these processes, is the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, or northern Serbia.
AWAKENING OF THE AUTONOMISTS
The movements of Vojvodina’s autonomists are not of recent origin, and the intensity of their activities has fluctuated depending on the political situation. After the changes on October 5th, this idea was exceptionally strong. During the period of democratic rule, “Vojvodina Republic” awaited its proclamation with a ready flag, anthem, and statute. This momentum is unsurprising, given that the democrats were an extended arm of the USA and the European Union. Today, that movement, though seemingly subdued, is showing for the first time in a long period a serious concentration of its forces. While their ideas and goals are masked by other narratives, with creative and diverse protests dominated by issues of ecology and civil rights, the ultimate aim is entirely different.
The central figure and rallying point is the old flagbearer of autonomism, university professor Dinko Gruhonjić. A Croat from Banja Luka, former president of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia (NUNS), one of the founders of the Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina (NUNV), and an active participant and organizer of the RECOM initiative – known for its anti-Serbian actions and significant support from Croatian leaders. In short, this is a person who, decades after deserting Banja Luka, openly and actively participates in all anti-Serbian actions, deeply opposed to the state and national interests of the Republic of Serbia.
FOR AND AGAINST GRUHONJIĆ
At the end of last year and the beginning of this year, Gruhonjić, along with his associates, perhaps because someone from the outside judged that “the time had come,” once again began actively organizing panels in Serbia, the region, and particularly in Croatia. Perhaps these panels, which echoed narratives of hatred towards the state that accepted, educated, and employed him, would not have even been noticed by the mainstream if this self-proclaimed Serb-hater had not used them to insult the victims of Jasenovac and spread autonomist ideas of a “free Republic of Vojvodina,” where there would be neither Serbs nor the Serbian Orthodox Church.
In addition to Ana Lalić, director of the “Independent Journalists’ Association of Vojvodina,” and Nedim Sejdinović, who remains on the supervisory board of NUNS, the primary target of this professor was students. Through his deep ties with journalist associations and numerous NGO projects, he employed and indoctrinated students with narratives that align with the autonomist agenda. After a scandal that erupted at one of the panels, a rift occurred at the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad. The multiethnic environment, the whole of Vojvodina, and particularly Novi Sad, proved sensitive to topics such as Serbian identity and Serbian victims. A number of nationally oriented students demanded the formation of an ethics committee and the dismissal of Gruhonjić.
This initiative was joined by a significant number of Serbian nationalists, most Serbian movements, and individuals, including even part of the ruling coalition. Reactions to Dinko’s fascist statements also came from foreign politicians and activists, who were appalled by the rhetoric of a university professor.
Efraim Zuroff, a well-known Nazi hunter and director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, strongly condemned Gruhonjić’s actions, emphasizing that mocking the victims of Jasenovac is utterly unacceptable and that such behavior is contrary to all moral and academic standards.
“Serbia must introduce laws that punish such things. If there are laws that sanction insults against other nations, then even stricter laws must exist to punish insults toward the victims of the Ustaša and Nazi regimes,” Zuroff stated.
WITH HILL AGAINST THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
The blockade of the faculty lasted several days, and during the blockade, pro-Western media solidified the positions of new young leaders and student organizations that support Gruhonjić. Among them, of course, was the infamous trio of Mila Pajić, Nikola Ristić, and the perpetual or fake student Ivan Bjelić. Although lacking charisma or noticeable qualities, these three students were promoted by pro-Western media as early as during the “student protests” over alleged vote fraud in September 2023. Particularly interesting was their focus on the results of the Belgrade elections, given that none of these three were born in Belgrade or live there. The only connection they have to Belgrade is through NGOs like the “Umbrella Youth Organization,” “Youth Initiative for Human Rights,” the LGBT organization “Da se zna” (known for its members being arrested with a large quantity of narcotics), the media outlet Deutsche Welle, the student organization Stav, and numerous other centers for raising funds from Western sponsors for all the actions that followed December 2023.
When it seemed that justice would be served and Gruhonjić sanctioned, as a criminal complaint had been filed against him by the legal representative of the Zavetnici party, Dragoslav Ljubičanović, the so-called colonial overseer of Serbia, American ambassador Christopher Hill, stepped in. Hill publicly supported Gruhonjić and made it clear to the regime that Gruhonjić, as well as his anti-Serbian activities, are under the protection and sponsorship of the United States.
At the same time, Novi Sad has become the epicenter of another event. The same group gathered around Gruhonjić, the Bravo Movement led by Miran Pogačar, Brajan Brković, and numerous students who, thanks to Gruhonjić, have transformed into self-hating Serbs and proud atheists, along with pro-Western NGOs and the pro-Western opposition, rallied against the Serbian Orthodox Church and the construction of a church in Liman. The church was supposed to be dedicated to the Holy Martyrs of Bačka, who perished in January 1942, as well as all victims from 1941 – during the occupation of Bačka – until the end of World War II.
A TRAP FOR THE PEOPLE
Without waiting for opinions from councilors or urban planning experts, the so-called “Independent Members of the Liman Community” initiated a media debate. One of the objections was that the church had no place on a green area near Štrand, “the most beautiful bathing spot on the Danube,” as its appearance would allegedly disrupt the surrounding landscape. The construction plan was temporarily halted, but the situation in Novi Sad began to shift rapidly.
Before old protest banners were even put away, new demonstrations began against the lithium mine and Rio Tinto. For months, the pro-Western opposition tried to score political points, while NGOs argued and competed to come up with better plans to destabilize Serbia. However, as time passed, people began to recognize the trap. Those initially concerned only with environmental issues refused to be tools in a state coup orchestrated by the West through a fragile coalition. The protests dwindled until the paid activists were left completely exposed and alone.
This did not stop them from continuing; after all, unlike the rest of the people, they were paid for their actions. The protests turned into actions for the violent overthrow of the government. Certain roads, bridges, and railways were blocked, and some activists embraced radical extremism, with ideas bordering on terrorism, leading to arrests. The protests against lithium mining then morphed into protests demanding justice for the arrested activists and their immediate release.
FROM ECOLOGY TO AGRICULTURE: HELP IN TROUBLED TIMES
Interestingly, the protests tied to lithium evolved into elections for a new leader among seasoned experts in election fraud, church construction in Liman, democracy, human rights, the narrative of Serbs as a genocidal nation, LGBT ideology, defending Dinko Gruhonjić, and supporting teachers. Among the candidates was Gruhonjić’s trio—Mila, Ristić, and Bjelić—who suddenly became “experts” in ecology. Pro-Western media, led by Slobodan Georgiev, portrayed them as heroes of the anti-lithium march, allegedly walking from Belgrade to Gornje Nedeljice.
Novi Sad itself became a focal point for protests that were heavily attended. Visitors were left with a bitter taste when addressed by Gruhonjić’s student, but even that was part of the process. While the lithium protests were at their peak, dissatisfaction was expressed by farmers. The entire NGO sector and pro-Western opposition rushed to offer their support, conveniently forgetting that livestock farming and agriculture were decimated during the democrats’ rule to the point where recovery is still ongoing. Unsurprisingly, the protests began in Vojvodina. A certain Vladimir Višić, identified by Serbian intelligence as being connected to Croatian interest groups, was labeled as the person who initiated the protests.
Višić was also a candidate for councilor in the opposition list “It’s Possible,” consisting of Serbia Center (SrCe), the Green-Left Front (ZLF), New DSS, and the People’s Movement of Serbia (NPS). Reports at the time indicated that Višić’s material status improved significantly, partly due to his right to cultivate agricultural land owned by the Roman Catholic Church and his decision to engage in politics. Naturally, he immediately received support from the opposition, with roadblocks, staged arrests, and detentions announced. Gruhonjić’s trio also found their interests in these actions.
FROM CLENCHED FISTS TO BLOODY HANDS
Just as it seemed that a lull was on the horizon and that the opposition was regrouping and selecting new protest targets, Serbia was struck by a terrible tragedy. Under still unclear circumstances, a newly renovated awning at the Novi Sad railway station collapsed. Fifteen people, mostly young, lost their lives, including two small girls. Two survivors were left permanently disabled.
Before the victims’ bodies were even buried, pro-Western opposition and NGO activists pounced like vultures. Marina, Janko Veselinović, Goran Ješić, Bojan Pajtić, Dinko Gruhonjić, and Miša Bačulov—linked by the same autonomist hub—raised their banners. The only ones missing were Nenad Čanak and Aleksandra Jerkov, but even without them, the outcome was dismal. Without a shred of dignity for the victims, a spontaneous public protest was turned into another political confrontation with the regime.
Clashes with the police ensued, Serbian Progressive Party offices were vandalized, the city hall was damaged, and a tanker of sewage was brought in to douse the city. The result was the arrest of Goran Ješić and Miša Bačulov. Protests continued the next day, this time featuring a bloody hands performance—something as infamous in the world of Collective West victims as the clenched fist of resistance and “American democracy.”
A SUIT WITHOUT BLOODSTAINS
However, the primary concentration of forces—where both political and civil activists gravitated—was Vojvodina. Without articulated demands, the process evolved from simultaneously blocking the Prosecutor’s Office in Novi Sad and demanding that the investigation be completed “immediately” and that the suspects, whom the opposition had judged without trial, be “arrested and punished immediately,” to the ultimate demand that is the goal of every protest—an urgent overthrow of the current regime.
When arrests followed, chaos reached a point of schizophrenia. The blockade of the Prosecutor’s Office in Novi Sad was a transparent performance staged in cooperation with the same Prosecutor’s Office, given that its head, prosecutor Branislav Lepotić, had completed all USAID-organized courses. He is a person under the complete control of the U.S. Embassy and his superior, Zagorka Dolovac. These two individuals were never mentioned at any point by the opposition’s spokespeople. Had the case been under the jurisdiction of the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade, the entire country would undoubtedly have been plastered with posters of Nenad Stefanović, marked with bloody stains and the word “killer.”
In the chaos, where even activists began to lose track, protests erupted over the demolition of the old Sava Bridge, the Hotel Yugoslavia, the General Staff building, and the arrests of activists (including Ivan Bjelić). From Belgrade to Novi Sad, protests spread… Yet, the entire opposition—except for a small segment that remained in Belgrade mourning the old Sava Bridge—remained focused on Novi Sad and Vojvodina.
A ROAD OF NO RETURN
Beyond the streets, where the pro-Western opposition’s intolerance toward anyone who does not share their belief in toppling the regime is apparent, the second field for inciting instability has become social media. Threats are directed not only at regime supporters and SNS members but at literally anyone who points out that the path Western loyalists are taking is identical to that of Georgia, or worse—Ukraine—a path of no return.
This is clearly a well-thought-out strategy aimed at complete destabilization and the onset of civil war. A state without stability, economic security, or social assurance suits the West, whose plans include cementing the independence of so-called Kosovo, unrest in the Raška region, possibly annexing the so-called Preševo Valley to Kosovo and Metohija, and, ultimately, achieving the dream of the “heroes” of this text—“Republic of Vojvodina.”
The historical pattern of separatism on the outskirts of Serbia is clear and well-documented: from Kosovo and Metohija, through Montenegro, to the Raška region. All these points have served—and still serve—as testing grounds for the state’s weaknesses. Western structures aim to keep Serbia in a permanent state of crisis. The protests and political conflicts are not the end goal themselves. They represent a gradual weakening of national unity, the erosion of trust in institutions, and the destruction of national identity.
If this process is not stopped, Vojvodina could become a new Kosovo—a region that is no longer just an economic and cultural center but a flashpoint for conflict and the subject of Western geopolitical engineering.
