The Uprising of the “Sleepers”
Is a “back channel” opening in Serbia – a direct communication line between representatives of certain states and opposition leaders? What role has been assigned to a bishop and a former sympathizer of the radical religious movement – Wahhabism – in cementing Western influence?
Unpleasant Discoveries
The revelations made public by WikiLeaks might have caused a diplomatic earthquake worldwide, but they did not faze Bishop Gregory of Düsseldorf and Germany, who dealt with the American officials’ assessment that he is an “exceptionally cunning political animal” with unbearable arrogance and the confidence of a man who knows he enjoys the support of a powerful entity.
This is further proof that Western-installed elements can be found where least expected. Even within the Church, and not just in matters of canonical disputes between the Patriarchates of Constantinople and Moscow, which undoubtedly have a geopolitical character and orbit within the sphere of Western strategic interests, but also on a much more secular level – such as the Belgrade elections in 2024.
Trivializing Scandals
The “moderate wing that develops an apolitical stance,” as described in one of the American dispatches, interestingly, never discusses topics of the highest national interest. The status of Kosovo and Metohija, as well as the Republic of Srpska, are not its cup of tea, but the war in Ukraine and the need that “not all matters should be decided by one person,” referring to the current president of Serbia, certainly are.
“He will be an important interlocutor in the times to come, whether in his own diocese or in a more powerful role in Belgrade,” one of the dispatches states.
Trivializing scandals – from participating in the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević and preparing for the Velvet Revolution to long conversations with Viola von Cramon and public support for opposition candidates – make him one of the most controversial bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church. When he speaks about Kosovo, it is from the perspective of Milošević’s mistake: “Only Bishop Atanasije and we from Herzegovina were saying that we would lose Kosovo because Slobodan Milošević made so many wrong moves. He was the real loser, without a true understanding of what Kosovo is and how to preserve it!”
He indebted the Republic of Srpska with his youthful beliefs – that Karadžić and Mladić should surrender themselves to the Hague Tribunal. He explains his support for ProGlas this way: “We must change as a society, we must stop being a society where the fate of the entire people depends on an individual. That is why I am glad that in Serbia, which until recently was dominated by the feeling that it is impossible to change the government, people like those gathered around ProGlas are emerging.”
Is There a Difference in Perception Between the Bishop and British and American Embassies?
A political activist and women’s rights defender from the Church ranks, one of the bishops who enjoys the greatest support from civic Serbia, does not try to limit the damage he causes to the Serbian Orthodox Church. On the contrary. As a direct channel to the Phanar, unwaveringly Western-oriented, the bishop has passed the test of time. And behind him, in the political wake, he has left many opposition candidates – from Dragan Đilas to Vladeta Jerotić.
This time, he bets on a new favorite – the leader of the “Kreni-Promeni” movement. Is the choice coincidental?
Loose Network of Volunteers
In the notes of the American side, which our portal has accessed, it is stated that the leader of the “Kreni-Promeni” movement has recently emerged as a significant factor in non-violent resistance and organizing protest activities aimed at exploiting local problems, demonstrating the ability to mobilize a significant number of citizens in this regard.
According to Pro-Western Sector Representatives The “Kreni-Promeni” movement emerged as a spin-off of the “Serbia in Motion” association, with both likely being primarily funded by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. Interestingly, these associations do not have a solid structure but operate on the principle of a “loose network” of volunteers led by trained coordinators. The recommendations they receive from Western mentors are as follows: the perception of the political situation can be changed if other opposition structures and civil society, primarily the NGO Center for Research, Transparency, and Accountability (CRTA), engage together. It is worth noting that this organization, using questionable methodology, came to research results allegedly showing that the number of Serbian citizens supporting sanctions against Russia drastically increased during the first five months of the Special Military Operation. It is not difficult to guess which media outlets gave this news considerable space. These are the media that vehemently defended Bishop Gregory’s right to freedom of speech, constrained by the Holy Archdiocesan Synod’s warning about “the impermissible participation in party competitions, giving public statements in favor of or against particular parties or candidates in electoral processes and beyond, as they create confusion and discord among the faithful.”
Neither Kosovo nor the Republic of Srpska
Besides CRTA, youth organizations such as “Borba”, “Sviće” and “Stav” from Novi Sad have also emerged on the political scene as extensions of American and British influence. These organizations, within the NGO Civic Initiative, participated in the campaign for changing electoral conditions. Among the Western-oriented youth, analogous to the opposition leaders’ views, the dominant topics are the rule of law, corruption, and solving traffic problems, but not the admission of Kosovo into the Council of Europe or the Srebrenica Resolution.
At the final convention, Pavle Grbović, president of the Movement of Free Citizens (PSG), addressing his voters, stated that on June 2nd, the citizens would show a better and more beautiful face of Serbia. According to him, the Serbia he envisions is one where institutions will be bastions of justice, not tools for the abuse of citizens in the hands of corrupt authorities. “Let’s build a Serbia of independent judiciary, honest media, and free elections.”
Topics of the highest national interest, such as Kosovo and Metohija and the Republic of Srpska, do not appear in his speech, although the candidate of the “I Choose the Fight” list for Belgrade mayor, Dobrica Veselinović, is part of political forces that characterize the Srebrenica crime as genocide, Kosovo as an independent state, and Russia as an aggressor that should be sanctioned. The conspicuous silence on these topics is less about ingratiating with citizens who generally disagree with this line of thinking and more about devising a plan to call for new elections in the fall after issues of political instability regarding the Republic of Srpska and Kosovo and Metohija are raised in the public sphere.
The Seven-Mile Path – or How the Process of De-Serbianization Unfolds
As the opposition awaits the snowball of Serbia’s subversion to turn into an avalanche, they follow the instructions of foreign NGOs, such as the International Republican Institute (IRI).
For the drafts of local campaign concepts in certain Belgrade municipalities and successfully conducted training with activists, local IRI officials have been praised by the leadership. Their task is to subtly motivate smaller opposition parties to join the coalition. The impact on working with opposition parties is almost invisible, but one should not rush to conclusions. The project for strengthening political processes, financed by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID/Serbia), in which IRI is involved alongside two other partners: the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI), is set for seven years. The processes in play are not primarily aimed at voting results but at the deep conversion of Serbs. This is evidenced by a list of partners deeply embedded in institutions and the civil sector – from political parties and movements, the Republic Electoral Commission, the Agency for Preventing Corruption, to selected media, universities, and municipalities.
The project is intended to strengthen political pluralism in Serbia. As the creators explain, it is calculated to enhance the capacity of political actors to better engage citizens and represent their interests – strengthen constructive inter-party dialogue, transparency, and inclusiveness. The priorities also include providing technical assistance to strengthen the capacity of political parties and citizen groups to improve the accountability of leaders and parties, supporting domestic institutions responsible for conducting elections to upgrade the integrity and transparency of the electoral process. Assistance also pertains to public opinion research and training of political parties and movements across the political spectrum in Serbia. Touching. This level of selfless dedication to Serbia is laid bare by the project’s goal – a more prosperous and democratic Serbia committed to European integration and reliant on its own resources.
Covering Sandžak
Among the participants in the schools organized by these funds are people from the PSG circle. The party leader himself confirmed loyalty by mediating and establishing a connection with the president of the Civic Movement of Sandžak, Edin Zećirović.
In April, a meeting with representatives of the People’s Movement of Serbia was arranged on the potential cooperation with Zećirović, and a partnership was agreed upon to cover the entire Sandžak area. The assessment is that a former follower of the radical religious movement Wahhabism, now a civic activist close to US interests, could be of “higher” interest in the volatile region of Raška.
Five Million Pounds? A Trifle for the Impact
The zone of responsibility for the UK is the South and the Province, where the NGO Peaceful Change Initiative (PCI) operates. Ian Bancroft, project manager for the Western Balkans at the NGO, who arranged Catherine Ashton’s visit to Serbia, expects PCI to receive significant funds in the near future aimed at working with opposition parties. This is an issue that in other countries would cause a scandal of massive proportions, especially in light of the fact that the mentioned British NGO is under the direct control of the UK Foreign Office and coordinates its activities in Serbia with the Political Department of the British Embassy, which has been conducting intelligence activities for many years. In Serbia, Bancroft comfortably outlines the UK’s plans to actively engage in discussions between the temporary Pristina institutions and Serbian state bodies, in which the organization would act as a mediator. Lobbying would, however, focus on pressuring more countries to recognize the so-called independent Kosovo and its membership in international organizations. The impact from the point of view of the UK’s interests is – immeasurable.
Investments proportional to interests. In just one project titled “Strengthening Local Voices for Sustainable Development,” the British player with influence received five million pounds from the UK Government’s Conflict, Stability, and Security Fund (CSSF). The focus is on Kosovo.
Primary activity – working on strengthening local voices, especially those from marginalized groups.
“We are working to ensure that members of non-majority communities in Serbia and Kosovo are more aware and able to advocate for public services they are entitled to in their municipalities.”
In response to the situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, PCI worked on creating a Rapid Response Crisis Group (RRCG) to “ensure that non-majority communities in Kosovo have equal access to information in the service of preventing and spreading COVID-19.”
Both Blessing and Aferim
The money and direct support of the British Embassy is, of course, not aimed at ensuring that “non-majority communities in Kosovo receive equal treatment and access to information in the service of preventing and spreading COVID-19,” nor at opening a chapter on the position of the Serbian community in northern Kosovo and the Albanian community in southern Serbia through projects like “From Common Challenges to Common Solutions.”
A look at the results of the mentioned research, which suggests that the two communities share very similar life problems – unemployment, economic instability, migration, trust in institutions – indicates that “taking into account common concerns and problems, further connecting the Albanian community in the south and the Serbian community in the north of Kosovo is necessary to establish mechanisms of cooperation and information exchange in the future.”
Translated into practical terms, this means that the goal is to encourage the integration of Serbs into Pristina institutions through the actions of Serbian and Albanian NGOs in the Province. To speed up the process of de-Serbianization, it remains to establish a back channel – an informal communication channel between representatives of Western embassies and opposition leaders. Birds from these structures whisper under the weight of their remaining conscience that the SSP, ZLF, SRCE, and PSG have already given their consent. It is highly likely that neither Bishop Gregory’s blessing nor the aferim of a former Wahhabi sympathizer will be missing.
The final act of the disintegration of Serbia can begin.
Author: Natalija Zec
