Colonization in 18 points or who’s peeking behind student blockades?

How the "Builders of Bridges of Trust," gathered around the Initiative Proglas—or more precisely, the civil sector of Western agencies—capitalized on the protests, ready to occupy key positions in the transitional government at a critical moment?

Some facts are hard to refute, even when faced with an entire army of pro-Western media and NGOs armed with “arguments” about completely spontaneous student protests allegedly arising as a reaction by young people to systemic corruption. The scale, duration, recognizable symbols, and handwriting identical to that in all states experiencing attempts at color revolutions challenge this thesis. Add to that the well-organized actions, such as legal assistance, public and media promotion—all the “office supplies” that enable indefinite operation—and the fact that the masses are controlled by a minority, and the theory falls apart. Spontaneity, after all, excludes preparatory actions, hierarchical structures, and a coordination center—in this case, an office at Knez Miloš Street, where the domain of the “Proglas” Initiative is registered!

PEOPLE OF “TRUST”

The student protests are publicly associated with a tragic event from two months ago, when the collapse of an awning in Novi Sad claimed the lives of 15 people, including two minors. Two young individuals were seriously injured. However, the truth is that the protests began much earlier—at the moment Western sponsors, during the 2023 election campaign, realized that their candidates lacked popular support and that the circumstances required the “creation” of new people who appeared competent, educated, politically untainted, and capable of leaving the impression of trustworthy individuals on the average Serbian citizen.

This carefully selected group quietly traveled across Serbia, moving from house to house, village to city, without excessive media attention, which they left to well-known figures such as Đilas, Ješić, Marinika, Srđan Mihajlović, Zelenović, and even parts of the NGO sector represented by Gruhonjić, Cicvarić, and Mila Pajić. They awaited a trigger that would allow the “people who inspire trust” to reveal their predatory intentions, circling above the corpses like vultures over prey.

SONG, DANCE, AND VIOLENCE

Without any articulated demands other than the immediate arrest of those responsible, the protests were in full swing two days after the awning’s collapse. The path from a white clenched fist to a bloody hand included pouring a tanker of sewage, destroying the City Hall, the city square, the offices of the Serbian Progressive Party, and eventually the widespread use of red paint.

The protests, which made no mention of the victims but instead focused entirely on accusations against the authorities, evolved into daily performances filled with songs, dances, and abundant violence. However, the number of people who initially came out to pay tribute to the victims dwindled with each passing day. Eventually, the pro-Western opposition and the NGO sector were left completely exposed and alone. Numerous attempts at provocation—attacking the police in hopes of eliciting a reaction that could be used to provoke public outrage and bring people back to the streets under the guise of being “outraged by police violence against protesters”—ended in failure.

A WAVE OF SOLIDARITY

As the protests dwindled, philosophy professor Danijela Grujić, a prominent member of the Party of Freedom and Justice, led high school students, aged 16 and 17, to the streets to pay tribute to the victims in Novi Sad. Among the children, who naturally have a heightened sense of empathy and were witnesses to a great tragedy in their city, but who remained politically unaware of who was leading them and why, was the son of Prime Minister Miloš Vučićević.

This manipulation of children for political purposes was clearly a deliberate act, not by just any teacher but by an active participant in the protests and a member of Dragan Đilas’s party. It was legitimate for the Prime Minister and certain parents, who did not want their children to be used as political tools, to react. Pro-Western media quickly responded with counterattacks, accusing every parent and even underage students—without any evidence—of being “members of the SNS sect” and dismissing them as “sandwich eaters who don’t care about the victims.”

A wave of “solidarity” from other schools slowly spread across Serbia, with students leading blockades and activism, while the focus shifted to “students” taking the lead.

PROFESSORS IN THE LEAD, INITIATIVE PROGLAS IN THE BACKGROUND

It is important to note that this shift of the torch did not happen spontaneously. Those who had been sitting in classrooms just days before, children whose parents had struggled to send them to college, did not suddenly experience an awakening and decide to throw away years of study, money, and time just to help the pro-Western opposition seize power without elections.

A significant role in these decisions was played by university professors in Belgrade, Niš, and Novi Sad, especially those who were politically active. The first to stand with the students was Dinko Gruhonjić from the Faculty of Philosophy in Novi Sad. He was followed by Professor Janko Veselinović from the Faculty of Agriculture, who had been active during the protests and is also the president and one of the founders of the Movement for Reversal, a left-center political organization in Serbia. The list goes on and includes many publicly known university professors who stirred the spirit of the blockades. However, it is undeniable that everything ends (or begins, depending on how you see it) with the founders and signatories of the Initiative Proglas, which also serves as a gathering place for members of the majority of NGOs funded by foreign actors. They openly admit that their student affiliates initiated the blockades and took over leadership of the protests from exhausted politicians.

NEW YEAR’S WISHES

Recently, instead of a traditional New Year’s greeting, Miša Majić, a judge at the Court of Appeals, announced an initiative for “the day after tomorrow”—a plan for the day after the “students,” with the help of manipulated citizens driven by hatred toward the regime, use pressure and daily blockades of the entire system to force the government into a transitional administration. This administration, as proposed, would consist of none other than the founders of Proglas—the leaders of NGOs gathered within this initiative.

Through 18 measures, the Proglas Initiative has outlined a strategy to systematically dismantle existing state structures and transfer key functions to the “independent” NGO sector, which, unsurprisingly, is funded from abroad.

But what does any of this have to do with students, aside from the fact that the Proglas Initiative is behind the organization of the protests?

During the 2023 pre-election campaign in November, a group of people, led by Miša Majić, Dragan Bjelogrlić, Svetlana Bojković, Ivanka Popović, Ljubomir Simović, and several others deeply connected to the Western sector through NGOs, grants, actions, or political involvement, came forward. The aim of Proglas was to mobilize people to participate in the elections in large numbers and vote for the pro-Western coalition “Serbia Against Violence.” However, the goals of those who created and sponsored them shifted in the meantime.

A ROOF FOR WESTERN INITIATIVES

The website of this initiative, aside from listing the founders and supporters, offers little transparency. However, before they managed to obscure who owns the domain, an investigation into public information about the “Proglas” initiative revealed some interesting details.

In an article published by RT Balkan on December 6, 2023, it was reported that the domain proglas.co.rs, registered on November 7, 2023, is owned by the NGO “Civic Initiatives.” What’s particularly notable is that the Civic Initiatives NGO shares the same address as the Belgrade Center for Human Rights, the Lawyers’ Committee for Human Rights (YUKOM), the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights, and the Center for Practical Policy—all located at Knez Miloš 4. In other words, almost all the key actors of Proglas are housed in one place. Perhaps the Center for Judicial Research (CEPRIS) and the Youth Initiative for Human Rights would have joined them if there had been more office space.

As the story began to unravel, the Vaseljenska portal obtained photos taken at 11:30 a.m. on December 13, 2024, clearly showing a large group of citizens gathered both inside and in front of the offices of these NGOs.

Very quickly, that same group of people, whom pro-Western media have been portraying for days as ordinary citizens and students, headed towards the intersection of Kneza Miloša and Kralja Milana to block it at precisely the scheduled time, just before 12 o’clock.

Are instructions, daily allowances, or perhaps even sandwiches and banners being distributed here? Alongside the NGO Civic Initiatives, which was the first to launch the legal aid action for students, the initiative Proglas has also joined in.

STUDENTS AND “STUDENTS”

Although the Western sponsors of these protests continue to insist that this is a “spontaneous student movement,” the truth is quite different. Politicians and leaders of pro-Western opposition parties, who are too compromised in the eyes of the public, have stepped into the shadows to leave room for young people who appear independent in the eyes of the broader public. This illusion of spontaneity, citizen support, and apolitical nature is intended to build the necessary trust among wider segments of society, which, at one point, indeed occurred. Meanwhile, the PRoglas Initiative is actively conducting a campaign across Serbia, preparing the ground for its own appearance.

The first of their forums, titled “Building the Future,” was held in Novi Sad, followed by events in Vrbas, Smederevo, Gornji Milanovac, Lučani, and Niš. At all these forums, the focus was on students, young people, and schoolchildren, to whom this coalition of non-governmental organizations offers full support. Since they are not politically engaged and are not as publicly recognized as figures like Marinika Tepić, Dragan Đilas, and similar individuals, they are more easily accepted by the public. They also garner special sympathy as those who have shown engagement with student-related issues.

The plan, therefore, is that at a certain point, when the protests reach their peak, the PRoglas Initiative—which has been conducting a “trust-building” campaign among young people and citizens for several months through forums, roundtable discussions, and media appearances—will be “pushed” into the forefront of the student movement. This way, the illusion of a spontaneous movement will transform into an organized pressure campaign against the government. The leaders of PRoglas, as representatives of the supposedly independent NGO sector, will take key positions in a transitional government they plan to impose as a solution to the crisis.

CHANGING PLAYERS

While students drive the blockades and attract media attention, preparations are underway behind the scenes for their “natural” replacement by PRoglas actors. This strategy has already been seen in numerous other countries, where the young people who initiated protests were ultimately replaced by leaders of NGOs closely tied to foreign power centers.

PRoglas is much more than just an initiative in this scenario. It is a well-conceived project aimed at presenting the NGO sector as an independent and competent alternative to the current government. This has not only been evident now, during the pre-election campaign, but also during the protests against lithium mining, where they made mass visits to rural communities, fully aware that every individual counts. Later, they extended support to farmers, educators, and finally to students, recognizing in them an excellent opportunity for ultimate success.

The students, entirely unaware, play the role of a “human shield” at this stage. Meanwhile, the people behind PRoglas—essentially the entire civilian sector aligned with Western intelligence services—are building trust among students, citizens, and rural communities while laying the groundwork for complete colonization in 18 steps.