French political scientist and activist Paul Antoine has done more to highlight the Serbian question on the international stage than many government commissions and departments. The impact of his struggle to reveal the truth about the wars in former Yugoslavia can be compared to the entire documentary production dedicated to this topic. When asked how Serbia, and especially Kosovo, became not just his professional but also his personal obsession, Paul Antoine says that Serbian history is “to blame.”
“I was fascinated by the pages of Serbian history—from the Battle of Kosovo, the Great Migration, the First Serbian Uprising, the Balkan Wars, World War I, the heroic struggles of 1941–1945, all the way to the resistance against NATO aggression in Kosovo and Bosnia.”
Of course, part of the intrigue lay in his childhood memories, when he first encountered severe accusations against Serbs aired on French television, particularly regarding General Ratko Mladić.
“Serbs were portrayed as barbarians, savages, and war criminals. My subsequent research showed that the picture was far from black-and-white. I’ve always respected peoples who cherish their traditions, values, and heritage. I don’t like weak people. You can lose, but you must never lose without honor. I have a strong sense of honor, and I’ve seen that sense of honor in the Serbian people and in Serbian history.”
The importance of your work was perhaps recognized by the enemies of the Serbian people even before the Serbs themselves. The so-called Republic of Kosovo clearly took a stance regarding your activities. What exactly did they accuse you of?
They detained me at the Pristina airport and handed me documents that I refused to sign. The reason for my detention, and subsequently being banned from entering Kosovo and Metohija, was that the Kosovo authorities considered me a threat to the national security of Kosovo and a threat to Kosovo’s international relations. I was placed on the red list by the Kosovo Ministry of Internal Affairs.
I believe the second reason—threatening international relations—is entirely justified, as I have organized and continue to organize events in Paris with politicians, NGOs, journalists, and other influential individuals to spread the truth about Kosovo. I also organize trips for French politicians to Kosovo.
Several months after Kosovo police raided and confiscated wine from the Serbian hero Petrović in Velika Hoča, I organized several events in Paris, including a conference in the French Senate, so the French public could meet this Serbian host and understand the scale of the mistreatment of Serbs in the southern province. Petrović could personally inform senators and mayors about the details of Serbian life in Kosovo. That’s neither politics nor religion—it’s simply testimony about how Serbs live in Kosovo, betrayed by everyone, abandoned by the entire world, and subjected to daily harassment by Albanians.
You never miss an opportunity in the French media to call Kosovo and Metohija a part of Serbia. Do you face criticism because of this?
Unfortunately, the topic of Kosovo—and even Bosnia, which is currently somewhat more prominent—is not fully understood in France. First of all, France itself is facing problems—the economy is deteriorating, debts are growing, taxes are increasing, immigration and insecurity are on the rise—so the French public generally shows little interest in developments in other countries. Secondly, when it comes to international issues, journalists are much more intrigued by the war in Ukraine and U.S. politics than by events elsewhere. Thirdly, on the rare occasions when I can speak about the Balkans—since I insist on that topic—I notice people demonstrating a considerable degree of misunderstanding. Many are still trapped in misconceptions from 30 years ago. For instance, France voted to recognize Srebrenica as genocide without any public debate. I often feel like Don Quixote, speaking about issues no one wants to hear about. I believe that speaking the truth is always difficult, but I also know it cannot be bought or sold.
When a French person—let’s assume an official—says “Serbia,” what connotation does it carry?
The media generally don’t like discussing Kosovo, the Balkans, Serbia, or the Albanian region, except in exceptional cases. In 2013, when terrorist attacks occurred in Paris, the weapons used by terrorists originated from the Albanian mafia in Kosovo. French President Macron stated that the weapons came from Serbia. Technically, this is correct, because Kosovo is Serbia—but then France should reconsider its policy towards Kosovo and withdraw its recognition. Such topics are often pushed into the media shadows, making it difficult to bring them to the forefront.
Do the French acknowledge that their country, as part of NATO, bombed Yugoslavia in 1999, and how much emphasis is placed on this in the public sphere?
A few years ago, the former Serbian ambassador to Paris, Nataša Marić, gave an interview to the French newspaper Le Figaro (one of the most influential newspapers in France, similar to Politika in Serbia) on the anniversary of NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia—an action France, unfortunately, took part in. Of course, she did not mention what France did, neither the bombing nor the recognition of Kosovo in 2008. I respect diplomatic discretion, but when you have an opportunity to address hundreds of thousands of French people, you cannot simply say that French-Serbian relations are perfect. That isn’t true—France bombed Serbia, stealing its heart and soul. I believe the truth is difficult to promote, and one must be prepared to fight for it—yet many are neither ready nor willing.
You brought French politicians to Kosovo and Metohija so they could personally witness the challenges Serbs face in their “own home.” Upon returning to France, how did their perspectives—and rhetoric—change?
I believe this is the main reason why I’m banned from entering Kosovo and Metohija. After returning to France, these politicians began supporting the Serbs in Kosovo and putting pressure on the Albanian authorities—in Pristina as well as in France. The goal is twofold. Politicians come to understand the Serbian perspective on Kosovo and, upon returning, share it with other decision-makers. On the other hand, their physical presence in Kosovo indirectly pressures the local Kosovar authorities to reconsider before engaging in further oppression of Serbs. I am not aware of the Serbian embassy in Paris organizing a single trip for French politicians to Kosovo since 2008. On my own, I organized about ten such visits, both to Kosovo and Republika Srpska. It wasn’t a huge amount of work, but the results have been substantial—for the Serbian authorities, Serbia’s diplomatic standing in Europe, and the Serbs living in Kosovo and Metohija.
How do you interpret the role of Germany and the U.S. in the current developments in Kosovo? Is there coordination among Western actors?
I wouldn’t lump them all together. Also, I don’t share much optimism regarding the new U.S. administration. Of course, things will change, but President Trump is no longer very interested in the Balkans—at least not on a political level. His only goal is to restore peace in Ukraine and make a deal with Russia. Serbia and the Balkans are not a political priority. In his previous term, he tried to achieve peace between Kosovo and Serbia—but the results were lacking.
Still, his election cannot be bad for Serbia, as it would mean less international pressure.
As for Germany—the situation is different. Germany has always been an adversary of Serbia in the Balkans due to its natural ties with Croatia. Also, Germany and the UK view Serbia as too close to Russia and too friendly toward France.
Under Merkel, Germany had a strong negative influence, but the current German government is weak and cannot pursue the same policy. There are two reasons: the war in Ukraine and Germany’s economic instability. The rise of the far-right AfD party has made the chancellor less powerful than Merkel and less inclined to engage in complex topics like Kosovo and Serbia. What I said about France also applies to Germany—there are many AfD and communist members in the parliament who openly say that Kosovo is Serbian land.
Serbia has many friends, but does nothing with them. For example, in France, the National Rally party has around 42% support and is very close to power, yet the head of the main Serbian diaspora organization publicly criticizes the National Rally on television. So how can you expect Marine Le Pen and other officials from that party to defend Serbia? That’s not serious diplomacy.
Considering the many reports of human rights violations against Serbs in Kosovo, how do you interpret the silence or weak reactions from EU institutions?
The main international institutions simply do not care about the situation in Kosovo. The U.S. speaks out about human rights violations in Ukraine but says nothing about Palestine. Russians speak out about what’s happening in Palestine or in Kosovo and Metohija, but not in Ukraine. Everyone picks the side they support—and that side, of course, doesn’t violate any rights, while the other is guilty of everything.
One of the oldest sayings after “if you want peace, prepare for war” is vae victis – “woe to the vanquished.” Serbia lost the war in Kosovo by withdrawing its army and signing the shameful Kumanovo capitulation. That’s sad, but for now, that’s the reality—they lost. And those who lose suffer the consequences. If you expect me to say the usual phrases like “I’m sorry,” “it’s terrible,” and so on—then I’m not the right person to talk to.
What is your most vivid association with Kosovo?
While staying in Kosovo, I bowed before and kissed icons, lit candles in Dečani, Prizren, Velika Hoča, Peć, Gračanica, and many other places. I saw the suffering of the Serbian people. But that’s not what I remember and speak about when I talk about Serbs and Kosovo and Metohija in France. What stays in my mind is the image of a Serbian monk standing beside a tank—I speak of the Serbs in Kosovo as a living legend, as the embodiment of Julius Evola’s “revolt against the modern world.” One Serb from Kosovo once told me: “I’ve been here for ten centuries—I will never leave.”
They can do whatever they want with Kosovo—they can recognize it, Belgrade can recognize Kosovo—but to me, it will always be the soul of Serbia, no matter what corrupt politicians in France, Germany, the UK, Serbia, or Albania may say.
The Serbs in Kosovo do not need the world’s pity—they need support. They need to know the rest of the country stands with them. They need an army to support them. A real army—with weapons, infantry, tanks, soldiers. An army of soldiers. An army of monks and priests.
Do you see any realistic space for compromise in the current dialogue, or is the process just a facade for continued pressure on Serbia?
I don’t believe in any kind of dialogue when it comes to Kosovo. I believe that the Western, corrupt, and weakened intellectual class neither understands—nor believes—that the ordinary Serbian people will continue to support Kosovo and Metohija.
When Trump proposed that Serbia recognize Kosovo, he offered several dozen American planes and billions of dollars. That clearly shows the Western elite doesn’t understand why Serbs are fighting for Kosovo. How can they understand a people who fight for tradition when they destroy their own? How can they understand a people who fight for their children when they don’t have children of their own? How can they understand a fight for faith when they themselves are so hostile to faith?
The Western elite believes that Serbs are fighting over ego and territory, with Russia in the background. That’s not the case. Kosovo has nothing to do with territory—Kosovo is sacred land. If Serbia recognizes and gives up even a single meter of Kosovo and Metohija—it is dead.
Sovereigntists in France, Germany, and Austria are facing strong institutional and media pressure. Is there room for decisive political change in those countries?
I would say the situation is a bit different in Austria, because the sovereigntists there have already been in power as part of a coalition, and they are not as demonized as they are in France, and especially in Germany. The war in Ukraine has made the position of sovereigntists in France and Germany more difficult, as they’ve had to distance themselves from Russia and any connections they may have had. The system will do everything it can to prevent such forces from coming to power. Just look at what happened in Romania—that was a coup. The leading and most popular candidate wasn’t even allowed to run for president. Today, the Irish authorities have announced they’re considering doing the same with Conor McGregor because of his anti-immigration rhetoric. So, you can run for office, but only on their terms—and only say what the system allows.
When I was a child, they taught me in school that the USSR fell in 1991. That’s not true—the USSR just moved from East to West. Today, there is more freedom of speech in Hungary than in France. The system will do everything to block anti-system parties from gaining power.
Unless the people rise…?
The change that the Western establishment doesn’t understand is the issue of mass immigration. The French, Germans, and British have begun to question everything their politicians are doing. Also, what the establishment fails to see is that an economic collapse is on the horizon. After decades of socialist policies, the costs of mass immigration, the war in Ukraine, the collapse of European industry in favor of American and Chinese industries—Western Europe’s economy is slowly but surely deteriorating.
France is a country of revolutions. Serbs say they have a war in every century—we in France have a revolution in every century. We had the Yellow Vests—which, unfortunately, haven’t yet brought real results—but that was only the beginning.
The establishment didn’t understand the Yellow Vests, just as it doesn’t understand why the Serbs are awakening and fighting for Kosovo and Metohija. I believe change will come—but I don’t know how, or when.
What initiatives and actions have you launched so far, and what are your plans for the future?
My main goal is lobbying in France. Humanitarian work is being done by Arnaud Gouillon and his NGO Solidarity for Kosovo, and they are doing an excellent job. What’s missing is lobbying—talks with politicians, journalists, and influential figures.
For example, I organized for the French channel OMERTA to go to Kosovo and produce a report. The Albanians put a lot of effort into trying to block the report on social media, even threatening the crew. They also traveled to Republika Srpska, and we organized an interview with President Milorad Dodik. Over time, these reports are viewed by between 500,000 and a million people. That has a major impact on spreading the truth and encourages others to pick up the topic and expand its reach.
You’ve launched two very interesting platforms—balkans-actu.com and the OMERTA channel—where you approach the most sensitive topics without fear or self-censorship.
Balkans Actu is my own platform, but OMERTA is not. I collaborate with OMERTA on Balkan-related topics, but it’s not fully my platform. Balkans Actu is—and we’re currently working on launching a video section as well.
The goal of Balkans Actu is to spread the truth about the current situation in the Balkans, but also to shed light on historical facts. We’ve published articles about the genocide against the Serbian people in Bosnia and Croatia during World War II, the crimes of Naser Orić in Bosnia, and numerous pieces about the situation in Kosovo and Metohija.
A few months ago, I gave an interview for the Rubicon podcast, and to be honest, my plan is to create something similar in France—in French, from a French perspective. Since I currently don’t have the financial or technical means to independently produce podcasts and reports, I’m collaborating on multiple projects with the OMERTA channel.
Together, we’ve filmed a documentary about the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija, one in Bosnia, and an interview with President Milorad Dodik during his most recent visit to Paris.
I have a vision for France, a vision for Europe, a vision for the world. I’m a Catholic, a patriot—and I’m ready to go wherever my fight calls me.
“No surrender” is not just a slogan for Kosovo and Metohija—it’s my personal motto as well.
