The grim tallying of Bosnian Muslims, alleged victims of genocide in Srebrenica, has continued for three full decades, accompanied by rhetoric and stagecraft carefully designed to cement a global-scale falsehood — and this year’s political spectacle at the Potočari Memorial Center followed the same script.
International envoys, representatives of the so-called official Bosnia and Herzegovina, and always unofficial Serbs were all present at the commemoration of the Srebrenica tragedy. The first group aimed to demonstrate European commitment to preserving the imposed narrative of genocide. The second sought to reinforce the notion that the suffering of Muslims is a justified reason for the continued dismantling of the “genocidal” Republika Srpska and the establishment of a unified Bosnian political nation. The third, led by Pavle Grbić, saw in anti-Serbianism an opportunity to affirm their allegiance to Western values.
FORCING A CONFESSION FROM THE SERBS
In order to reinforce the Hague “verdict” of 8,000 murdered Muslims, seven newly identified victims were buried at the collective funeral in Srebrenica — among them a woman allegedly executed by Mladić’s “butchers.” The European Union honored the commemoration with the utmost reverence.
“The EU will never forget what happened in this town. We accept our past and recognize our responsibility for failing to prevent and stop the genocide,”
declared the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen.
In her shameless political use of Srebrenica, von der Leyen went a step further by emphasizing that great responsibility lies with political leaders, especially those in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Western Balkans:
“We remain fully committed to supporting your country on its path toward EU membership. Your political leaders should contribute so your country can find its place in the heart of our Union, where it belongs.”
In the spirit of an old tradition — where the judge’s primary task is to extract a confession from the accused through torture — European leaders now insist that a clear and unequivocal stance must be taken on this issue.
They mean the Serbs, of course, even though thirty years after the crimes in Srebrenica, the plain truth is on the table: the outcome of Srebrenica was the 1999 NATO aggression on the FRY and the absolution of the West’s colonial wars around the globe — all of which used the events in a small town in eastern Republika Srpska as justification.
BERLIN FELL, BUT OSMACE DID NOT
What really happened in July 1995? And does the old Serbian saying “Berlin fell, but Osmace did not” hold the key to understanding who the actual perpetrators of crimes in the Srebrenica area were — and who the geopolitical winners of the Srebrenica trap turned out to be?
A little known fact is that in early November 1991, the Srebrenica municipal authorities prohibited the movement of JNA units across their territory, declaring that “only an army bearing a green star and crescent moon is welcome here.”
In Momir Krsmanović’s book “The Suffering of Serbs in Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992–1995,” one finds the testimony of Slavka Matić, whose two daughters and husband were killed by Naser Orić’s mujahideen — along with 59 other fellow Serbs. The same book describes how two kids of Milica Dimitrijević’s were killed in her arms by Orić’s men as she fled from Skelani toward Bajina Bašta…
Eight months after Orić’s forces committed their bloody rampage, the alleged genocide against Bosnian Muslims took place. Staged?
ALIJA SACRIFICED THE MOURNERS
In July 1995, as summarized by Stefan Karganović in the afterword to the anthology “Srebrenica: Falsifying History”, the following occurred:
“The 10th Sabotage Detachment, an ethnically mixed unit including Serbs, Croats, Muslims, and Slovenes — whose chain of command and source of funding (allegedly gold payments, according to ‘key witness’ Dražen Erdemović) remain unclear — was responsible for the execution of 700 to 800, not thousands, of captured soldiers from the 28th Division of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, following the fall of Srebrenica on July 11, 1995.
In the same period, several thousand Muslims did die — but during an armed breakout from the ‘demilitarized’ zone of Srebrenica, not as a result of execution.
The groundwork for that deadly breakout had already been laid by late 1993, when Alija Izetbegović made the political decision to sacrifice Srebrenica and its population for maximum political gain in the ongoing war. This is clearly indicated in the Norwegian documentary “Srebrenica: The Betrayed Town.” As for the war crime that did occur, there is no evidence it was committed with genocidal intent — which is a necessary legal condition for defining an act as genocide.
Given the context, the crime — far smaller in scale than claimed by propaganda — could only have been carried out on someone’s order, by paid killers working for money, not even out of revenge for the atrocities previously committed by forces under Naser Orić. Paid, professional assassins act on instructions — not out of sentiment for earlier massacres.
Let us recall: between 1992 and 1995, armed forces from the ‘demilitarized’ Srebrenica enclave destroyed around 50 Serbian villages near Srebrenica, killed about 1,000 civilians, and expelled around 8,000 from their homes.
Any ‘history’ of Srebrenica that significantly diverges from this version has been revised and falsified.”
THE MASSACRE COULD BEGIN
The architects of the Srebrenica narrative have also never sought to place the issue within its broader historical, demographic, political, and legal context. Historical facts show that a new Magnum Crimen could be written solely by documenting the suffering of Serbs in Srebrenica, the Podrinje region, and other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina across two wars. According to the 1931 census, the Srebrenica district had 17,776 Orthodox Christians and 17,322 Muslims. Ten years later, when Srebrenica became part of Pavelić’s monstrous state, the number of Orthodox Christians had dropped to the level of a statistical error.
At one point, Vladimir Dimitrijević reminds us that in 1942, Ustaše were welcomed in Srebrenica with a speech by Ismet Bektašević, while in Bratunac it was Jusuf Verlašević who declared:
“Bosnian Muslims groaned under slavery for 20 years during Yugoslavia, but now the Croatian army has brought them freedom.”
The Croats immediately armed the Muslims, and the massacre could begin.
On Pentecost Monday in 1943, when the Partisans withdrew from Srebrenica, the Ustaše entered immediately to take revenge.
Hrista Marjanović, a refugee, testified on August 23, 1943:
“This massacre was carried out by Ustaše from outside, mostly from Lika and Zagreb, and they were assisted by local Muslims.
Most Muslims from Srebrenica and the surrounding area were in Ustaša ranks.”
DRUNKEN PATRIOTISM CELEBRATES USTAŠA IDEOLOGY
The massacre was led by Ustaša Josip Kurelec, a student from Ogulin, who first ordered the killing of Serbs in Bratunac, and then in Potočari. In the village of Zalazje, as noted by Dimitrijević, they slaughtered everyone they found (including around forty children). A massacre was also carried out in Srebrenica. Mass crimes were committed in the Serbian villages of Banjevići and Ježeštica, while the village of Žedanjskо, which was half Orthodox and half Muslim, was completely ethnically cleansed of its Serbian population.
The scale of Serbian suffering during World War II and again in the 1990s has never been the subject of analysis or condemnation by the international public. To erase this historical truth, the myth of Srebrenica was employed.
Hence, the unimaginable crimes — and the entire mass pogroms in both Jasenovac and Srebrenica — have never been placed on equal footing with other crimes in the public discourse of so-called civilized Europe and the world. Nor has Pavelić’s murderous apparatus in Croatia ever been condemned by the broader Croatian public. On the contrary — even in this 21st century — Ustašism and the butcher’s trade are celebrated as patriotic and glorious, accepted and admired as part of the twisted ideal of a Fourth Reich, glorified by the modern bard of Ustaša poetry, a certain Marko Perković known as Thompson, who sings to packed audiences. His Ustaša repertoire is joyfully embraced by both sober and drunken Croatian patriotism.
SILENCE THE FOUNDERS OF THE THIRD SERBIAN STATE
Is there a place for Serbia in such a constellation among the family of European nations?
Yes — if it accepts the Hague’s guilt and embraces the autochauvinistic narrative that we are to blame for the crimes.
Yes — if it consents to self-renunciation, self-denial, and self-humiliation.
Yes — if it remains silent about Ratko Mladić and Radovan Karadžić, as the founders of the third Serbian state and as the key to understanding the centuries-long suffering of Serbs west of the Drina River.
Yes — if it legally sanctions and proclaims the Hague version of the Srebrenica tragedy.
Yes — when it agrees to the systematic indoctrination of young Serbs through reformed textbooks and educational programs managed by various Western NGOs tasked with exorcising the “evil spirit” of nationalism.
No — according to the majority of Serbs concerned for the survival of their state, Serbia has no place in the EU as long as Ratko Mladić can and must be judged only through the lens of all Serbian suffering throughout the region’s history.
Because without Ratko Mladić — the year 1942 could have repeated itself.
And it didn’t.
