When Nancy Faeser, the German Social Democrat Minister, welcomed the ban of the prominent German weekly “Compact” by saying it was a “heavy blow to the extremist scene,” the global community warned that Germany was dangerously close to the boundaries of fascism in its fight against it. Meanwhile, the German public referred to this brutal suppression of free speech as a replay of Third Reich measures. The gravity of the banned magazine’s offense was measured by the amount of free content it provided, and the interview with Maria Zakharova proved to be a fatal mistake. Shortly after its closure, the editor-in-chief, Jürgen Elsässer, came forward, declaring, “And, of course, they won’t silence me – I am a supporter of Putin.”
Nothing has so clearly exposed the measure of democracy in Germany as the ban on “Compact” – news that shook the entire free-thinking world. By attempting to silence you, what is official Berlin demonstrating, or more precisely – what does it wish to hide from the German public’s eyes?
The government in Germany is trying to silence all free-thinking citizens. This doesn’t only apply to the temporary ban on “Compact” but also to preparations to ban the largest opposition party, Alternative for Germany. It is an attempt to eliminate opposition voices, especially those advocating anti-war policies. The idea is to erase everything that could interfere with preparations for war and conflict between Russia and Germany. This particularly applies to “Compact” – the strongest advocate of German-Russian friendship. It is the most widely read magazine, with the largest reach, and has never been convicted or faced legal issues during its time in the German public sphere. In that sense, it is entirely innocent. Such a magazine was, in the dead of night and with police assistance, banned in an oppressive manner.
In circumstances where Germany prosecutes every voice outside the mainstream of Berlin’s official policies – to say that you openly support Putin seems surreal. Was retaliation expected?
Not only did I express sympathy toward Putin, but I have repeatedly emphasized my support for him. In Germany, saying you have any understanding for Putin can already bring about a “publishing death sentence.” I went a step further, and it’s undoubtedly why they attempted to ban “Compact.”
Was the interview with Maria Zakharova the second “mortal sin”? Was the conversation with the Russian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson the immediate reason for the police raid on your office?
Just a few days before the raid, we published an interview with Maria Zakharova on our video channel. I have no doubt that this interview provoked the regime’s wrath, as such positions and viewpoints are not allowed in the German media. We still have to expect the regime’s hostility. As for the ban, the judges ruled in our favor, which brings us joy and shows that the fascist regime does not have fully totalitarian characteristics and that there are still free and democratic forces in the country, especially within the judiciary, that can be relied upon.
Do Germans share your sympathies for the Russian president?
Putin is a figure who inspires hope in many Germans, as evidenced by the number of people who passionately follow “Compact,” a media outlet that advocates for cooperation with Russia and always takes an objective approach to reality. Millions of people watched the interview with Zakharova, interested in hearing her perspective, what is happening in Russia, the Kremlin’s viewpoint, and how the Russian Foreign Ministry perceives the overall situation. Many Germans are sympathetic to Russia and critical of the government’s stance, which, at the expense of its own citizens’ interests, unreservedly sides with Ukraine in the war.
How do you explain the fact that the government is unwilling to respect the referendum results or the will of the people, who have voiced their opinion on Russia in these elections?
The reason lies in the fact that Germany is an occupied country and that crucial decisions are not made in Berlin but in Washington. After all, you won’t see Russian soldiers on German soil, but you will see the largest number of American military bases on the continent here. The fact is that AfD is becoming stronger and stronger. In the eastern part of the country, the party won nearly a third of the votes, around 20 percent nationally, which, after an entire hate campaign against them, is a more than respectable result. Alternative for Germany will continue to grow. This is a big problem for the ruling parties, which, in an attempt to curb AfD’s growth, are creating artificial opposition parties. This refers primarily to the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance, which took about 10 to 15 percent of votes from the AfD base in these elections. Although a coalition between these two parties would be natural, as both have similar programs, being friendly toward Russia and critical of America, the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance rejects this possibility and continues to spread lies that AfD is governed by fascists. Recently, the situation has further intensified as the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance has issued two significant conditions to the old parties in three eastern states: one is to start negotiations with Russia, and the other is to stop the stationing of American missiles in Germany, scheduled for 2026.
Conditions that the old parties would find difficult to accept… Does this open new space for AfD?
We are reaching a situation where forming a government excluding AfD, as initially planned, is a strategy that could fail. If the government cannot be formed, new elections will be held, in which AfD would gain even more votes and continue to grow. However, if a government is formed, it would mean that Sahra Wagenknecht had to abandon her ultimatums, disappointing her voters and potentially sending her supporters to AfD in the next election. The situation is working in AfD’s favor, regardless of Sahra Wagenknecht’s subjective will.
On the pages of “Welt,” Michael Gies predicts that Germany could go to war with Russia in the next five years. Do German tanks in the Kursk region suggest that the warning from the Bundeswehr’s regional command should be taken seriously?
The government says there is an open threat and possibility of war with Russia until 2029. However, despite the hate campaign against Russia, it is inconsequential because German arms production is laughable compared to Russia’s. Secondly, other NATO members provide much more weaponry to Ukraine than Germany does. I believe the question concerning Ukraine will be resolved well before 2029, within the next 12 months, when Russia will achieve its objectives, compelling Zelensky and NATO to back down.
Would that lead to a reshaping of Europe?
A favorable outcome and Russia’s victory would be the prelude to a catastrophic situation, major upheavals, and a reevaluation of NATO’s and war-mongering forces’ positions, whether in Washington, London, or Brussels. NATO’s weakening could be compared to the results of the Vietnam War, opening the space for rational forces and the creation of a peace belt and peace alliance of states in Central Europe, counting on Serbia as one of the pillars, along with Slovakia, Hungary, and other countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, and Austria. The peace belt would enable cooperation between states with Russia, from the North Sea to the Adriatic and Black Seas.
Serbia will not forget that you were one of the few intellectuals who supported Slobodan Milošević when the entire Western collective was ready to ritually sacrifice him as a “criminal” and enemy of the democratic world. In your opinion, what was his “crime”?
Slobodan Milošević is my hero. Through him, I became a Serbian patriot, and only after becoming a Serbian patriot did I become a German patriot. The Serbs and Milošević taught me patriotism. Before I studied Slobodan Milošević and met him personally during his difficult moments in The Hague, I was a typical leftist with all the mistakes typical leftists make. In the mid-nineties, I thought, from a typical leftist perspective, that imperialist America was waging war against socialist Serbia. However, I later realized that Milošević was doing something much smarter – creating an alliance between the left and the right, what is called a transversal front in Germany. All forces, whether left or right, partisans or Chetniks, needed to unite to defend the Fatherland. Milošević taught me this way of thinking. All my beliefs were shaken. It was something comparable to what Galileo Galilei did. Even today, when I feel depressed, I return to recordings of Milošević’s speeches at Gazimestan or his conversation with Serbs in Kosovo, where he uttered the famous words, “No one dares beat you.”
