Ivelin Prvanov’s decision to enter politics was imposed by the rather grim reality in Bulgaria and the even grimmer fact that there was no option on the public scene that reflected the ideas he personally advocated for—ideas that are now embodied in the manifesto of the “Revival” movement: Return Bulgaria to Bulgarians.
“Some time ago, I wanted to read a book about our battles in the First World War. It turned out that such a book didn’t exist, and I was forced to write it myself. That’s how the idea of shedding light on another historical period was born. It turned out that, in both politics and state governance, there was no one who could carry out what I considered important. There was not a single party in the past decades that met my aspirations. That’s when I met a group of enthusiasts, and the ‘Revival’ party was formed,” says Ivelin Prvanov, a member of parliament, a member of the organizational council’s presidency, a member of the parliamentary committee on defense of the Republic of Bulgaria, and a member of the Bulgarian party and movement Revival (Vazrazhdane).
What are the goals of the Revival movement?
The primary goal is the restoration of Bulgaria—to return its status as an economic, cultural, social, and political force, as it once was… We want to be equal with other countries in the European Union, on the Balkans, and globally. The dictation of foreign governments, armies, and interests has been in direct contradiction to ours—aimed against the Bulgarian people and the state. We want to return Bulgaria to Bulgarians.
Your program suggests that Bulgaria has lost its sovereignty. To what extent has this been influenced by the country’s accession to NATO and the European Union?
Membership has proven harmful. Such a choice was made, in the name of the people, by a pseudo-elite, subjugated to foreign interests and created in a manner typical of colonies. They decided to deceive the people through propaganda, promising a good and comfortable life. However, we now see that the material standard of Bulgarians is lower than it was from 1979 to 1990. Yes, some have become oligarchs, like those in Latin America, but the majority have faced a decline in living standards and high unemployment. This is the price the people paid.
Besides the evident gap between a few hundred extremely wealthy people and the general population, what do you see as the main problems and tasks facing the Bulgarian people?
The main problems stem from the agreements our government signed, especially those made when entering the European Union, which negatively affected our economy. These issues should have been negotiated. Instead, we were recognized merely as a market, as consumers. Many of our enterprises were liquidated. Bulgarians used to be the largest producers of several agricultural products on the Balkans, exporting worldwide. Younger generations cannot comprehend that we had cosmonauts, that we produced space equipment and technology used on the Mir orbital station. When they hear this, young people incredulously say, “That’s impossible.” Simply put, the horizon of expectations has been greatly lowered to the level of daily survival. What we see in the media and advertisements, which encourage consumption, is now considered the highest achievement one can aspire to.
What else have we lost as a nation? We lost what once strengthened our people—agriculture. We have traditionally been an agricultural country, primarily focusing on fruit growing and cereals. We had everything necessary to feed ourselves, but now, people in the countryside have no one to work with, no one to borrow from. When one of the older generation dies, there is no one to inherit them. This is a major demographic problem. When quotas were established, it often happened that producers could not sell their products, and on the other hand, there was no work, so people began to emigrate. The shortage in domestic agricultural production, caused by emigration and the decline in birth rates, has been compensated by imports—again by quotas. Production in other member states is so automated that it further encourages the depopulation of villages. Thus, the demographic problem deepens, i.e., the problem of family survival. If someone in Bulgaria wants to start working and enter the market, they face the problem of decreasing domestic consumption due to the population decline. If they wish to be export-oriented, large international corporations are already waiting for them.
You touched on borders, in terms of exports. However, since borders have already been mentioned, we cannot overlook the fact that there is a war near your borders. How do the people of Bulgaria perceive the conflict in Eastern Europe?
The vast majority of people are friendly toward Russia and the Russian people. This is not a matter of pressure but of emotion. Bulgaria gave the Cyrillic alphabet as the foundation of the culture of modern Slavic peoples. Slavic nations are like grown children, while Bulgaria is like an old parent, who has weakened and can hardly protect the child because it needs help itself. Around 75% of Bulgarians, according to various sociological studies, view Russians as part of their family. This is why the globalist, multicultural elite is investing enormous resources into anti-Russian propaganda. Television, radio stations, and newspapers are trying to instill hatred and create division within the family. As it is said in the Bible, a house that remains united cannot be destroyed by others. However, disunity has spread among the peoples of Eastern Europe. People who truly implement anti-Russian policies probably make up 6 to 7 percent of the population. Perhaps there are as many apathetic individuals, but the vast majority are of a different mindset. Nevertheless, decisions are made by the elite, which draws its strength from the metropolis (colonial center). Bulgaria was not consulted on NATO. There was no referendum, no vote on that matter. Bulgaria was not asked whether it wanted to join the EU. That decision was made by pseudo-elites with the help of the Anglo-Saxons. On the other hand, if the Russians were to appear at our borders, those who are the loudest in condemning them would say: “We’re not like that. We’re your friends. We were just hiding because we were under pressure from a powerful enemy.” These are unprincipled people who opportunistically follow their own business plans.
Is this topic being addressed in the campaign, which is now gaining momentum?
The campaign is just beginning (this interview was conducted before Holy Cross Day, when the campaign formally started). Our approach is principled. We never said we should be a satellite of Russia or subordinate to it; rather, we point out that Bulgaria’s and Russia’s political and economic interests align in about 80% of cases. So, we are pragmatic. What does that mean? It’s pragmatic to obtain energy resources at more favorable prices, as well as other goods. It’s pragmatic for our companies on the Black Sea to have representations in Russia. So, why work against our own interests? Why not secure better trade conditions and cheaper energy sources? Why buy oil and gas through Turkey?
The same goes for flights from Sofia to Moscow. There used to be a direct flight that took two hours. Now, travel to the Russian capital is via Belgrade, and that option is the most expensive. Other routes go through Istanbul, Izmir, Antalya, and even Baku in Azerbaijan, which is the cheapest option but involves 10-12 hours of flying. What’s the purpose behind these measures? To sever personal, cultural, and economic ties with Russia, which will further aid in shaping the new man, as an individual. This new man can be a citizen of the world, a European, a cosmopolitan, or a Euro-Atlanticist.
You’ve partially mentioned what future you envision for Bulgaria, but since we’re talking about foreign affairs, how does Revival see the future and the organization of Balkan relations?
When it comes to the Balkans, bilateral agreements are essential, followed by broader agreements. A central Balkan economic union or even an Eastern European economic and defense union, similar to the Central European Defence Cooperation (CEDC), could be formed. I’ll give an example of a Balkan alliance. Some time ago, I mentioned on television that we could make a list of the alliances Bulgaria has been a part of, based on the level of independence in decision-making and the influence we could exert through that alliance as an economic and political force in foreign affairs. At the top of the list is the Balkan League (formed in 1912 with Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro), when we were united with the Orthodox, standing strong economically and militarily, and able to project cultural and economic influence beyond our borders. This is now unattainable. The second on the list is the Axis Powers alliance. Yes, we depended on the Germans then, but the Germans recognized our rights in the Balkans. They did not ask us to fight against Russia or send troops against Russia, only logistical support. They didn’t ask us to suffer as the Romanians, Italians, and others did on the (Eastern) Front. You could say we retained some independence within the alliance. Even less autonomy came in the First World War alliance with the Central Powers. There we had even less autonomy, as the army was unified under supreme German command. Next lower on the scale is the Warsaw Pact, where we were required to participate in operations, even against our will, in Czechoslovakia (intervention in 1968). I also have some documents regarding our participation in the 1956 intervention in Hungary. We had no autonomy in these operations, but we did in defending our own borders in the Balkans. Finally, we joined NATO. That’s at the bottom of the list. We have the least influence (on decision-making), the least autonomy, no projection of influence abroad, and great dependence on foreigners. As you can see, the Balkan League was our peak, followed by a downward spiral through world wars, with the Warsaw Pact being a major relinquishment of autonomy, and today we have completely given up on freedom of action. Now Bulgaria has been reduced to a mere executor of foreign orders.
When we talk about Balkan relations, aside from politics and alliances, the Church also plays an important role. We know that Patriarch Maxim had good relations with the Serbian Orthodox Church and Patriarch Pavle. Patriarch Neofit enjoyed great respect in Serbia among Orthodox Christians. Now you have a new patriarch, Daniil, and there are some civic organizations in Bulgaria opposing his election. What is your view on this issue?
This is a consequence of earlier contentious elections, but in this case, the patriarch was elected indisputably—one might say, without the possibility of appeal. The individual chosen will lead the Church according to its independence and in the interest of the people. As for these so-called civic organizations, I’m not sure how many citizens are actually in them? One would say they are civic because they are registered in some city, most often Sofia. These are intermediaries of foreign powers acting in foreign interests, for foreign foundations and embassies. They are dissatisfied with any good solution for the Balkans and Russia. They wanted a figure to be elected who would sow discord. The most accurate description would be that they wanted us to have a leader like the one at the head of the (so-called) Ukrainian Church, to deepen the conflict with Moscow. Since that plan didn’t succeed, and there are no spiritual figures opposing the election (of the patriarch), some kind of citizens are appearing. These are citizens who yell and protest, like those on the Maidan (in Kyiv 2013/14), who would be used once. You see what Ukraine has turned into. If we listened to such citizens, we might lose our city too.
What do you see as your greatest success in the current parliamentary session, and what do you expect from the elections scheduled for October 27th?
The greatest success is the law concerning homosexuals, i.e., LGBT and those who cannot determine their gender. This is a law that prevents the propaganda the EU spreads worldwide, meaning it is banned in schools and kindergartens. This law prevents such propaganda from influencing children. In the West, they first allowed LGBT representatives to sing songs to children, tell stories, and through play, serve messages that go against nature and biology. Now they want to implement that model in Eastern Europe, but they are facing resistance from people, regardless of their religious affiliation, whether Orthodox, Roman Catholic, or Protestant. They simply do not accept what is unnatural. We proposed this law during the preparation of the pre-election campaign, assuming that since 99% of the electorate is conservative, there was little chance that other parties would ignore the proposal. The initiative was accepted, and the news spread across Eastern Europe. The Slovaks are already considering adopting it, and other countries are preparing to adopt similar laws. This is our greatest success, for which we have been labeled fascists. There were attempts to have the petition against this law signed by school staff, and some agreed, likely under pressure. Then we said: Excellent, parents, fathers, and mothers, you now have the opportunity to see who is educating your children. It turned out that at least 30% of the signatures were forged. The next step was the proposed law for the registration of foreign agents. (The law was not passed, rejected by the Parliamentary Committee on Culture and Media on September 19.) It’s an American law, which we translated, so they can’t say it’s Putin’s law. Through the proposed law, we can expose the propaganda and bring traitors and foreign agents to light—those who don’t want to vote for legal text that would protect the state, especially the judiciary, from foreign influence and foreign foundations.
You initiated the collection of signatures for a referendum on joining the Eurozone. Do you expect the will of the people to be respected on this matter?
Bulgarian law stipulates that 400,000 signatures are required for a referendum. We have collected them, and the referendum should be held alongside the first upcoming elections, whichever they may be—presidential, parliamentary… What’s stopping the president from calling the referendum? Parliament is blocking the referendum, even though, according to the current Constitution, it is not authorized to do so. The referendum simply needs to take place. They keep postponing it, due to shortened mandates or other problems… Since last year, we’ve been in the third pre-election campaign. But the Constitution has been violated by the country’s leadership—executive, legislative, and judicial. What’s the issue? We are calling for a referendum to preserve our national currency—the lev—and not to enter the Eurozone. We haven’t categorically stated that Bulgaria won’t join (the Eurozone). Let the people decide. If they vote to join, fine. But all these modern civic organizations and modern democratic parties do not want the most democratic expression of the people’s will—a referendum. This is our great battle to protect financial sovereignty, and we pointed to the example of Eastern European and Scandinavian countries—Poland, Sweden, Denmark, Romania, and Hungary. Why must Bulgaria rush to join a foreign financial union, resulting in the Bulgarian central bank becoming merely a branch of the European Central Bank in Frankfurt? The officials in Frankfurt don’t care about Bulgaria’s or the Balkans’ interests, only technical work. We become fully dependent. We cannot independently manage the budget, raise wages and pensions, or plan expenses for the military and police… This is a great battle in which we place much hope, to protect the right to choice, to a referendum. Additionally, we are calling for referendums on EU and NATO membership, as they were never held. The voice of the people is the voice of God. That’s what they say in Bulgaria.
You’ve stated the results you’ve achieved. What do you expect in the elections?
We are just at the beginning of the campaign, and in the coming days, I expect all sorts of ‘warfare tactics.’ The trend is that we have a slight growth compared to others, but I wouldn’t give specific projections, as we haven’t processed all regions. Ahead of us is a month of major propaganda. Our opponents are skilled at diluting debates and opening peripheral issues to divert attention from the crucial ones. At the moment, one topic is occupying the attention of the Bulgarian public. Two pilots died while preparing for the 20th anniversary celebration of Bulgaria’s NATO membership. Apparently, it was a technical failure. There’s no money for the army or the people, the budget for pensions and students is shrinking, but aid is being sent to Ukraine. While Germany, Finland, and of course Hungary want to reduce contributions, Bulgaria continues to allocate from the budget. Ukrainians enjoy privileges, using public transportation for free, while inspectors simultaneously attack a pensioner if they accidentally didn’t buy a ticket. It’s clear to us that Bulgaria, as a state, has started working against its own interests under the pretext of helping Ukraine. And they won’t support ending the war, just as they obstructed peace negotiations in Istanbul. A peace agreement was signed there, but the text of that agreement remains unknown to this day. All Black Sea countries suffer from this war, which, of course, affects the economy.